STRONA
GŁÓWNA
DOMENY
HALAT.PL
Polska
medycyna integracyjna
Fundamentalnie
zakorzeniona w polskiej
kulturze, sztuka i nauka
utrzymywania i przywracania zdrowia przez zapobieganie chorobie i jej
leczenie,
z poszanowaniem fizycznej, moralnej i psychologicznej integralności
osoby
ludzkiej.
Polish
Integrative Medicine
Fundamentally
rooted in Polish culture, the art and science of maintaining and
restoring
health by prevention and treatment of illness, with respect for
physical, moral
and psychological integrity of the human person.
Wiedza
naukowa zajmująca się
czynnikami szkodliwymi, czyli noksologia (od łac. noxa – czynnik
szkodliwy), uwzględnia szereg pomijanych zazwyczaj aspektów
oddziaływania czynnika szkodliwego na człowieka, do których należy
zróżnicowana podatność poszczególnych osób (rodzin) na czynnik
szkodliwy występujący w pojedynkę lub wespół z innymi, wzajemnie
potęgującymi niepożądane oddziaływanie na zdrowie. W noksologii za
punkt wyjścia procesu diagnostycznego przyjmuje się przyczynę zgodnie z
zasadą wyrażoną po łacinie słowami POSITA CAUSA, PONITUR EFFECTUS,
czyli „gdy działa przyczyna, jest i skutek” oraz NIHIL FIT SINE CAUSA
-
"nic nie dzieje się bez przyczyny".
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Epidemiologia
jest nauką o występowaniu i uwarunkowaniach chorób, zaburzeń zdrowia i
zjawisk zdrowotnych
w określonych populacjach ludzkich oraz
systemem
działań wykorzystujących uzyskane informacje do zmniejszenia
rozpoznanych
problemów zdrowotnych
w populacji. |
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| Instytut
Wody |
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| Medyczne
Centrum Konsumenta |
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| Stowarzyszenie
Ochrony Zdrowia Konsumentów |
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Zagrożenia
Zdrowia
w
Polsce |
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| 3
Smoki |
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| Zdrowy
Polak |
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Poland
(in
English)
It is Europe that is sick, all
Europe
with the exception
of Poland. |
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| Śląsk |
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| Wizytówka |
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ALERGENY
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KANCEROGENY
Nowy artykuł:
"Ryzyko raka
w następstwie
spożywania
wędzonych
przetworów
mięsnych "
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i religijnych
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i religijnych
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oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
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z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
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bron sie!
wykorzystaj
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reaguj na
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innych
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aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
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bron sie!
wykorzystaj
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w XXI wieku
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reaguj na
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innych
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aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
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pisz artykuly
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na inne jezyki,
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wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
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reaguj na
antypolskie
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zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac
oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie
przedmiotem
szykan
i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
oszczerstw
przeciw Polsce
i Polakom
pisz artykuly
do Wikipedii,
tlumacz
na inne jezyki,
bierz udzial
w dyskusjach
wojny
psychologicznej
w XXI wieku
nie przegramy!
|
|
reaguj na
antypolskie
uprzedzenia
zapoznaj
innych
z prawda
o Polsce
i Polakach
nie pozwol,
aby klamcy
nadal odbierali
nam godnosc
nie badz
bezbronna
ofiara agresji
z pobudek
rasistowskich
i religijnych
ustepujac oszczercom,
jako Polka i Polak
staniesz sie przedmiotem
szykan i dykryminacji
nie daj sie oglupic
i zastraszyc,
bron sie!
wykorzystaj
internet
do walki
z trwajaca
ponad 200 lat
kampania
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POLAND, PART 4
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THE STRUGGLES FOR
POLAND
BY NEAL ASCHERSON
PART 4
PART
1
PART
2
PART
3
|
THE STRUGGLES FOR POLAND
BY NEAL ASCHERSON
excerpts of the
First American Edition
Random House Inc.,
New York 1988
http://www.halat.pl/poland.html
|
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This web page is to be viewed in
Central European Windows-1250
Character Set |
The Third Partition, sealed by treaty in January
1797
but dating in practice from 1795, ended the independence of Poland. The
Commonwealth vanished from the map of Europe. Austria took Kraków and
the
surrounding region, Prussia occupied central Poland as far east as
Warsaw,
the Russians advanced their frontiers to a line which - in its northern
trace - ran close to the present Polish-Soviet border along the Bug
river
. A secret clause in the Partition treaty - the first of many such
secret
clauses in Poland's history - laid down that 'the name or designation
of
the Kingdom of Poland . . . shall remain suppressed as of now and for
ever'.
A hundred and twenty-three years were to pass
before a
sovereign Polish state reappeared. Poland had 'descended into the
grave',
as the Romantic poets were to put it, but it was an unquiet grave.
Poland
was not dead, and it was not only the Poles who tried to resurrect her.
France, at war with all Europe, did not
abandon the Polish
cause, though ruthless calculation was as important as fraternal
emotion
in French actions. Napoleon allowed General Jan Henryk Dabrowski to
raise
two legions of Polish exiles in Italy (their 'March, march, Dabrowski'
song became Poland's national anthem) and another legion was organised
in Germany. They served France loyally, in part by helping to combat
the
national insurrection in Spain, and in 1807 Napoleon established the
Grand
Duchy of Warsaw, a satellite state carved out of the Polish territories
annexed by Prussia which soon included not only Warsaw but Kraków and a
part of the Austrian zone.
THE STRUGGLES FOR POLAND BY NEAL ASCHERSON
excerpts of the
First American Edition
Random House Inc.
New York 1988
|
Juliusz Kossak:
Portret księcia Józefa na koniu.
1879. Akwarela. 78 x 63 cm.
Muzeum w Łańcucie.
Wojciech Kossak:
Książę Józef Poniatowski w roku 1812.
Piotr Michałowski:
Gen. Dwernicki na czele II pułku ułanów
January Suchodolski:
Napoleon i książe Józef Poniatowski pod Lipskiem.
January Suchodolski:
Gen. Chłopicki i gen. Skrzynecki na czele Wojska
Polskiego.
January Suchodolski:
Bitwa na San Domingo
.
Juliusz Kossak, Seweryn Fredro rozbija pulk
huzarow
pruskich pod Peterswalde, akw. 1882
January Suchodolski:
Śmierć księcia Józefa Poniatowskiego pod Lipskiem.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
January Suchodolski
"Death of Prince Jozef Poniatowski", prior to 1830, oil
on canvas, private collection
January Suchodolski:
Odwrót spod Moskwy.
1844.
Muzeum Narodowe, Kraków.
January Suchodolski: Przejście wojsk Napoleona przez
Berezynę.
1866.
Muzeum Narodowe, Poznań.
Wojciech Kossak
Wiosna 1813 roku.
1903. 0lej na płótnie. 70 x 131 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Szczecin.
January Suchodolski:
Szturm na mury Saragossy.
1845. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
January Suchodolski:
Bitwa pod Somosierrą.
1860.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Wojciech Kossak:
Szarża w wąwozie Somosierry.
1907. Olej na płótnie. 96 x 141 cm.
January Suchodolski:
Śmierć Cypriana Godebskiego pod Raszynem.
1855.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
January Suchodolski:
Wjazd gen. Henryka Dąbrowskiego do Rzymu.
1850.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
January Suchodolski:
Biwak ułanów polskich pod Wagram.
1859. Olej na płótnie. 82 x 109 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Depozyt w Muzeum Okręgowym w Radomiu
"Polish Uhlans' Bivouac near Wagram", prior to 1859,
oil on canvas, National Museum, Warsaw
.
Juliusz Kossak:
Zmiana pozycji artyleryjskiej w bitwie pod Wagram.
Although the Grand Duchy seemed to Poles only a
prelude
to the restoration of full independence, the great process of reform
which
had begun in the time of King Stanisław August Poniatowski was revived
and carried further. The Napoleonic Civil Code of law was imported from
France, and has shaped the Polish legal and administrative tradition
ever
since. Serfdom was again abolished, and a modern constitution gave
equal
rights to all but the poorest peasants. Hope returned; Napoleon seemed
a liberator; and the Poles gave their treasure and their young men to
help
his disastrous invasion of Russia in 1812.
But with Napoleon's defeat, Poland again left
the map.
The Congress of Vienna in 1815 changed the Partition boundaries: the
Prussians
fell back some way to the west, Kraków became a 'free city' in practice
subject to the partitioning powers, and most of the old Grand Duchy of
Warsaw, including the capital, became a semi-autonomous region of the
Russian
Empire, the so-called 'Kingdom of Poland'.
Abroad, all those who opposed the Holy
Alliance, the block
of three reactionary powers which not only suppressed Poland but seemed
to threaten liberty throughout Europe, gave at least sentimental
support
to the Polish cause. It was the sense of belonging to a 'liberal
international'
that encouraged a series of Polish national conspiracies, especially in
the Congress Kingdom.
Matters came to a crisis in 1830; the July
Revolution
in France spread waves of democratic unrest and turbulence across the
Continent,
while the Tsar prepared to send Russian troops (with Polish regiments)
to suppress the new and liberal state of Belgium.
The November Rising began on the night of 29
November
1830 when a small party of officer-cadets attacked the Belvedere
Palace,
residence of the Russian viceroy, and another group captured the
Arsenal
with the assistance of the Warsaw population. The rising rapidly
developed
into a national insurrection, and the armies of the Congress Kingdom
fought
Russian troops in open warfare for almost a year before going down to
defeat.
But the leadership of the rising, ill-prepared, proved divided and
confused;
the liberal nations of the West, Britain and France, did not come to
Poland's
aid, although thousands of Poles secretly crossed frontiers to join the
insurrection; and the strategy of the generals did not match the
courage
and professionalism of their soldiers. Warsaw was recaptured by the
Russians
in September 1831, and by late October organised resistance was over.
The consequences of the November Rising were
grim and
long-lasting. General Paskievitch in the Kingdom and General Muraviev
in
lithuania carried out their own versions of 'pacification': hundreds
were
executed, and some 180,000 Poles were deported, many in irons to
Siberia.
The civil service was purged, and the Kingdom lost its relative
autonomy,
to be ruled by decree. Polish institutions like the Bank, the army, the
Sejm and the Commission for National Education were systematically
abolished.
THE STRUGGLES FOR POLAND BY NEAL ASCHERSON
excerpts of the
First American Edition
Random House Inc.
New York 1988
|
Wojciech Kossak:
Noc listopadowa.
1898. Olej na płótnie.
Własność prywatna.
Wojciech Kossak:
Starcie belwederczyków
z kirasjerami rosyjskimi na moście w Łazienkach.
Marcin Zaleski:
Wzięcie Arsenału w noc 29 listopada 1830 roku.
1831. Olej na płótnie. 52 x 79,5 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa, (depozyt w Muzeum
Historycznym
m. st. Warszawy).
"Seizure of the Arsenal", 1831, oil on canvas, National
Museum, Warsaw
Wojciech Kossak:
Emilia
Plater w potyczce pod Szawlami.
1904. Olej na płótnie.
Własność prywatna.
Wojciech Kossak:
Olszynka Grochowska.
1931, replika obrazu z 1886. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Wojciech Kossak:
Pod Stoczkiem.
1927. Olej na płótnie. .
Własność prywatna.
Wojciech Kossak:
Sowiński na szańcach Woli.
1922. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Wojska Polskiego, Warszawa.
Marcin Zaleski:
Powrót oddziałów wojska polskiego z Wierzbna.
1831.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Wojciech Kossak
"Battle of Raszyn", 1913, 189.5 x 398 cm, National Museum, Warsaw
The 'Great Emigration' was Poland's response to
the failure
of the November Rising. Most of the intellectual and political elite of
Poland fled abroad, some 10,000 in all, establishing their exile centre
in Paris around Prince Adam Czartoryski in the Hotel Lambert. This
outflow
of politicians, writers, musicians, philosophers and generals was the
most
extraordinary block of talent ever to transfer itself from one country
to another until the Jewish intellectual emigration from Germany and
Austria
to the United States a hundred years later.
Adam Mickiewicz and Juliusz Slowacki wrote
verse and drama,
mystical and moral and yet intensely political, that still suffuse and
inform the Polish imagination; Joachim lelewel wrote Poland's history;
Frederic Chopin composed; Cyprian Kamil Norwid developed a new poetry
whose
innovation and genius was only recognised in the following century.
This was a Romantic culture. Neither the old
Age of Reason
nor the optimistic, liberal mood of the contemporary West could answer
the questions the Poles now put to themselves: why had Heaven allowed
the
martyrdom of their country when it sought only justice, and how - when
- could it be resurrected from the tomb? Against the background of
intense
Catholic faith, there developed the haunted idea of Messianism which -
in its extreme form presented Poland as the collective Christ,
crucified
to redeem the nations, one day to be resurrected by a new embodiment of
the Holy Spirit.
At home, the earth continued to heave over the
buried
nation. Another national rising was planned for 1846, but ended in
multiple
disaster. In Prussian Poland, the leaders were arrested; Krakow rose,
but
the rebellion was rapidly crushed by Austrian and Russian troops. In
Galicia,
the portion of southern Poland held by Austria which stretched from
Krakow
eastwards to the fortress city of Lwow and on into the Ukraine, 1846
did
not just fail but turned into a slaughter of Poles by Poles. In this
overcrowded
province, nearly five million Polish and Ukrainian peasants worked the
lands of a tiny class of great landowning magnates. As the rising
began,
the Austrians were able to provoke a peasant rebellion against the
landlords
which turned into a massacre; some two thousand estate owners and their
families were murdered, and their manors burned down.
The fiasco of 1846 was a turning-point in the
history
of the Partitions. From Kosciuszko's rising onwards, Polish leaders had
been able to rely on peasant support, promising an end to rural
servitude
in return for military service. Now, after Galicia, the Powers saw that
they could cut off this source of strength by exploiting social
divisions
in Polish society. In 1848, Count Franz von Stadion, the Austrian
governor
of Galicia, offered the peasants possession of their own land and the
abolition
of feudal labour services. The Russians took a similar course in 1864.
As a result of the failure two years before,
the Polish
national leaders were too demoralised and disorganised to take a major
part in the liberal revolutions which blazed across Europe in 1848.
Minor
rebellions in Kraków and Lwów were bombarded into surrender by the
Austrians.
In Prussian Poland, a National Committee sprang up in Poznań seeking
autonomy
within Prussia, but the movement was suppressed a few months later as
the
Hohenzollern monarchy regained control in Berlin. But Polish exiles
fought
'for your freedom and ours' in almost every other nation in Europe
during
1848-9. The poet Mickiewicz raised a legion in Italy, General Ludwik
Mierosławski
(who had led the ill-fated 1846 rising in Poznań) fought in Sicily and
in southern Germany, General Henryk Dembiński and the legendary General
Józef Bem commanded armies in the Hungarian national revolution. In the
1848 'springtime of nations', European sympathy with the Polish cause -
rising all through the idealistic and revolutionary movements of the
first
half of the century - reached a peak, from which it then declined.
Europe
now entered a period of huge wars between empires and of internal class
struggle, in which the fate of a 'failed' nation-state seemed steadily
less relevant.
THE STRUGGLES FOR POLAND BY NEAL ASCHERSON
excerpts of the
First American Edition
Random House Inc.
New York 1988
|
Juliusz Kossak: Adam Mickiewicz z Sadykiem Paszą w
Turcji.
1890. Akwarela. 59 x 47 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Poznań.
Muzeum Sztuki, Łódż.
Teofil Kwiatkowski:
"Chopin's Polonaise - a Ball in Hotel Lambert in Paris",
water colour and gouache, 1849-1860,
National Museum in Poznan
|
Adam Mickiewicz
Pan Tadeusz
Chapter I
The Farm
O Lithuania, my country, thou
Art like good health; I never knew till now
How precious, till I lost thee. Now I see
The beauty whole, because I yearn for thee.
O Holy Maid, who Czestochowa's shrine
Dost guard and on the Pointed Gateway shine
And watchest Nowogrodek's pinnacle!
As Thou didst heal me by a miracle
(For when my weeping mother sought Thy power,
I raised my dying eyes, and in that hour
My strength returned, and to Thy shrine I trod
For life restored to offer thanks to God),
So by a miracle Thou 'lt bring us home.
Meanwhile, bear off my yearning soul to roam
Those little wooded hills, those fields beside
The azure Niemen, spreading green and wide,
The vari-painted cornfields like a quilt,
The silver of the rye, the whetfields' gilt;
Where amber trefoil, buck-wheat white as snow,
And clover with her maiden blushes grow,
And all is girdled with a grassy band
Of green, whereon the silent peear trees stand.
Such were the fields where once beside a rill
Among the birch trees beside a hill
There stood a manor house, wood-built on stone;
From far away the walls with whitewash shoe,
The whiter as relieved by the dark green
Of poplars, that the autumn winds would screen.
It was not large, but neat in every way,
And had a mighty barn; three stacks of hay
Stood near it, that the thatch could not contain;
The neighbourhood was clearly rich in grain;
And from the stooks that every cornfield filled
As thick as stars, and from the ploughs that tilled
The black earthed fields of fallow, broad and long,
Which surely to the manor must belong,
Like well-kept flower beds -- everyone could tell
That plenty in that house and order dwell.
The gate wide open to the world declared
A hospitable house to all who fared.
English translation by Kenneth R. Mackenzie
Based on the bilingual (Polish-English) edition
of Pan Tadeusz by The Polish Cultural Foundation, London, 1986.
|
To write about 'Polish history' in this period
inevitably
distorts proportions. There was a common language, a common Polish
version
of Catholicism, a common culture whose strength and content could vary
greatly between regions and social classes. There were 'Polish events',
generally conspiracies which with great effort and luck could be made a
shared experience for some Poles in two, if not always three, of the
Partitions.
But most of the 'history' that Poles made or suffered in the nineteenth
century was - naturally enough an aspect of the history of Austria,
Prussia
or Russia. And these were very distinct experiences.
The Austrian Partition - Galicia and Austrian
Silesia
- was the most lenient. Here the ever-changing efforts of a
multinational
empire to reach a stable relationship with its subjects - Germans,
Czechs,
Magyars, Croats, Poles and Ukrainians, to name only the larger
population
groups - allowed the Poles to acquire considerable autonomy in Galicia
where they numbered about three million, almost half the population of
the province. They - or rather the highly conservative Polish
landowners
- ran their own internal affairs, fostered Polish culture without much
hindrance, and for much of the period used Polish as an official
language.
As the Empire was itself Catholic, Polish religion raised no problems.
Galicia was economically backward and rural, and the Polish nobility,
nervous
both about peasant radicalism and the rise of the Ukrainian minority
(about
forty-one per cent of the province's population in 1880), relied on the
Austrians to protect them and became thoroughly nervous about ideas of
national resurrection.
In Prussia, by contrast, the Poles - just
under three
million of them - were a minority. Up to the 1848 crisis, they had been
handled with tolerance. But in the second half of the century, as the
policy
of Germanisation set in, they were treated increasingly as a threat.
Their position became far more exposed in
1871, when Germany
united into an empire under Prussian leadership. Bismarck, who had been
the chief minister to the Prussian King, now became the first
Chancellor
of the Hohenzollern Empire. Within a few years, the Prussian Poles were
embroiled in the Kulturkampf - Bismarck's attempt to break the
influence
of the Vatican and bring the Catholic Church throughout the German
dominions
under the control of the state. Bismarck did not launch the
Kulturkampfsimply
to break the national spirit of the Catholic Poles - though he
certainly
hoped for such a result. Neither did he attack the Church simply
because
he, like the rest of the Prussian ruling class, was a Lutheran
Protestant.
His central purpose was to destroy or at least disable any institution
which challenged the absolute authority of the German state. But the
effect
of Bismarck's onslaught against their church, coupled with his violent
contempt for the very idea of Poland, faced the Poles in Prussia with
the
most serious danger to their cultural survival that they had yet
encountered.
They became the target of campaigns not only
against their
faith but against their education and finally against their land.
Government-financed
waves of German farmer-colonists were sent east to buy out the Poles
and
settle. On all three fronts the Poles of the Poznań region and West
Prussia
successfully defended themselves through a generally defiant Catholic
leadership
(Cardinal Ledóchowski was imprisoned for two years ), and through a
network
of self-help organisations which not only blocked the German
colonisation
plans but in some areas bought back farms that had been purchased from
Poles.
Bismarck regarded Poland as a 'seasonal
state', a sort
of sandbank which appeared in times of international crisis but which
had
no title to be considered a nation. The keystone of his European
strategy
was the maintenance of peace between the German and Russian Empires
through
their common interest in the partition of Poland. After his fall in
1890,
when he was succeeded by Chancellor Caprivi, German policy changed
towards
a hostility to Russia that was to reach its climax in 1914, but this
brought
no relief to the Prussian Poles, now regarded as a security risk in a
military
frontier zone.
Of all three fragments of Poland, the Russian
partition
was easily the most oppressive. It contained the largest block of
Poland's
former population: there were over five million Polish subjects of the
Tsar, of whom about 4.3 million lived in the 'Kingdom of Poland' and
the
remainder either in the old lithuanian territories or in the eastern
Ukraine.
After 1831, the Kingdom was in effect under
military occupation.
Polish culture was treated as subversive, and the Catholic religion was
regarded as a disqualification from official employment. The modest
political
liberty allowed in Prussia and still more in Galicia was unthinkable in
Russian Poland. Polish politics, to the extent that there were any
beyond
an unfocused hatred of anything Russian, could only develop as
conspiracies
prepared to use violence to maintain themselves and armed revolution to
achieve their ends. Between the Russian tradition of total, utterly
centralised
and despotic authority and Poland's history of free speech and limited
power, no stable compromise was possible.
After the Russian setback in the Crimean War
(1854-6),
conspiracies were formed among the thousands of Polish students
studying
at Russian universities and there was a new restiveness in the Kingdom.
The new Tsar Alexander II, who had come to the throne in 1855, warned
the
Poles that they would win no concessions, but in 1860 patriotic
demonstrations
took place in Warsaw, followed by more in the following year which were
crushed by the gunfire of Russian troops. Plans were laid for another
national
insurrection, which exploded prematurely in January 1863.
THE STRUGGLES FOR POLAND BY NEAL ASCHERSON
excerpts of the
First American Edition
Random House Inc.
New York 1988
|
Maksymilian Gierymski:
Wymarsz powstańców ze wsi w 1863 roku.
Ok. 1867. Akwarela, tektura. 17,3 x 28,7 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Maksymilian Gierymski:
Powstaniec z 1863 roku.
Ok. 1869. Olej na desce. 31 x 24 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Maksymilian Gierymski
"1863 Insurgent", c. 1869, oil on panel, National Museum, Warsaw
Józef Chełmoński: Powstańcy na postoju.
1875. Olej na płótnie.
Własność prywatna.
Maksymilian Gierymski: Patrol powstańczy przy
ognisku.
1872. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Narodowe, Poznań.
Maksymilian Gierymski:
Patrol powstańczy - pikieta.
1872-73. Olej na płótnie. 60 x 110 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa
.
Kozacy w marszu.
1881. Olej na płótnie. 70 x 175 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie.
Józef Chełmoński:
Epizod z powstania 1863 roku.
Jan Matejko:
Rok 1863 - Polonia
"Year 1863 - Polonia", 1864, Czartoryski Museum, Cracow
Tadeusz Ajdukiewicz
"Scene from the 1863 Insurrection", 1875, oil on
canvas,
43 x 88 cm, private collection
Ryszard Okninski
"Insurgents of 1863", oil on canvas, 88 x 115.5 cm,
private
collection
Ryszard Okninski
"Cavalry During the Uprising of 1863", oil on canvas,
28.6 x 41 cm, private collection
The January Rising was in some ways a contrast to
the
rebellion of 1830-31. Politically it had been carefully prepared and
its
underground leadership was highly organised, but its military strength
was weak. There was no collision of armies; instead, partisan bands
fought
a guerrilla war throughout the Kingdom which soon spread to the huge
forests
of Lithuania and regions of Byelorussia and the Ukraine. The partisans
were supported by an 'underground state', running central and local
government,
foreign policy, a press and an arms industry.
The odds, however, were hopeless. Feeble
attempts by France,
Britain and Austria to mediate with the Tsar were ignored. As in 1830,
thousands of Poles came from Austria and Prussia and from all the
emigrations
in the west to fight and die, but the Rising itself did not spread
beyond
the Russian partition. After fifteen months of desperate courage, the
insurrection
crumbled away, and its last leadership, headed by Romuald Traugutt, was
hanged outside the w arsaw Citadel.
The January Rising failed mainly because,
without the
intervention of a foreign power , partisans could not defeat a Russian
army which came to number nearly 350,000 men. But its collapse was
hastened
by a clever stroke of politics. The underground 'government' had - as
usual
- promised the peasants full ownership of their land and an end to
labour
duties for the landlord. But in March 1864, Alexander II proclaimed a
version
of these reforms as his own, on behalf of the Russian government,
depriving
the Rising of much of its appeal to the rural poor.
THE STRUGGLES FOR POLAND BY NEAL ASCHERSON
excerpts of the
First American Edition
Random House Inc.
New York 1988
|
Artur Grottger:
Pod eskortą.
Artur Grottger:
Pochód na Sybir.
1867. Kredka na kartonie.
Muzeum Narodowe w Poznaniu.
Ryszard Okninski
"Sending into Exile", c. 1880, oil on canvas, 57 x
100.5
cm, private collection
Jacek Malczewski: Śmierć na etapie.
1891. Olej na płótnie. 53 x 101 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Poznań.
Jacek Malczewski: Wigilia na Syberii.
1892. Olej na płótnie. 81 x 126 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Kraków.
Jacek Malczewski: Niedziela w kopalni.
1882. Olej na płótnie. 118 x 180 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Wojciech Kossak:
Rugi pruskie (z cyklu "Duch pruski").
1909. Olej na płótnie. 85 x 133 cm.
Muzeum Okręgowe, Toruń.
Aleksander Orlowski
"Mounted Cossack Escorting a Peasant", 1820s,
watercolor,
ink on paper, 54.5 x 45 cm
Ferdynand Ruszczyc:
W świat.
1901. Olej na płótnie.
Galeria Obrazów, Lwów.
Ferdynand Ruszczyc:
Wychodźcy.
1902.
Litewskie Muzeum Sztuki w Wilnie.
Józef Szermentowski:
Stary żołnierz i dziecko w parku (Pasowanie na rycerza
przez dziadunia).
1868. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Narodowe, Poznań.
A thick darkness of repression now fell on the
Kingdom.
Again, there were executions; again, thousands of Poles were herded off
in long convoys to Siberia. The Kingdom lost its name and its last
shreds
of autonomy, becoming the 'Vistula Territory' of the Russian Empire.
Poles
were excluded from almost all official positions; Russian became the
language
of education and government; the Catholic Church was persecuted and the
spread of the Orthodox faith encouraged; a stream of Russian
bureaucrats,
teachers and policemen moved in. The policy of 'Russianisation', the
deliberate
extermination of the Polish identity, was applied even more severely
after
the murder of Alexander II in 1881.
Under the Partitions, two broad strategies
were open to
patriotic Poles. One was the Romantic tradition of armed insurrection,
a course which turned out to be hopeless in practical terms unless
there
was full-scale support from other European nations - which never
materialised.
The other was to preserve and build up the cultural and economic
strength
of the nation, which involved a degree of compromise and collaboration
with the partitioning Powers.
This second strategy, known as 'Organic Work',
dominated
the decades after the failure of the 1863 Rising. In Galicia, the
agrarian
slum of Europe, there was little industrial development before the end
of the century. In Prussian Poland, the self-help policies of the
Poles,
combined with the economic dynamism of Germany, gave them a prosperous
farming interest and useful experience in finance and industry . But it
was in Russian Poland, in spite of ferocious political and cultural
suppression,
that the most vigorous changes took place.
Polish society there had been shattered as
much by the
land reforms of 1864 as by the defeat of the Rising. The easy-going old
life of the rural gentry came abruptly to an end, with the loss of
unpaid
labour. A part of the petty nobility left the land and moved to Warsaw
where - barred from any responsible post they became the embryo of the
turbulent, independent Warsaw intelligentsia that survives today.
Others,
however, went to Russia itself, to study, to work as managers and -
often
- to encounter the new Russian generation of revolutionary
conspirators.
Professor Leslie records that the Polish population of St Petersburg
rose
from 11,000 in 1864 to 70,000 by 1914.
In 1851, the tariff barrier between Russia and
the Kingdom
had been abolished; in the years after 1863, Russia's protectionist
policies
cut off the supply of industrial goods from the West. This was the
opportunity
for Russian Poland, still economically far more advanced than the rest
of the Empire. There were few Polish capitalists, but German investment
poured in to finance industrial development; large-scale industry
appeared
not only in the boom town of Lódź, whose textiles clothed all Russia,
but
in the coal and iron basin of the Dabrowa and in Warsaw in the form of
heavy and light engineering.
By 1900, Poland accounted for an eighth of all
Russian
production. Organic Work, at a first glance, seemed to be paying off.
But
in fact it was already a discredited creed.
There were two reasons for this. One was
social: the new
Polish working class was underpaid and atrociously housed, and - in
Russian
Poland - almost totally deprived of trade union protection until 1906.
Revolutionary socialist ideas spread rapidly , accelerated by the slump
at the end of the century. On the land, the end of serfdom and land
reform
had only created further problems as a rural population with a soaring
birth rate tried to fend off starvation on tiny plots of soil. Many
gave
up the struggle and emigrated, from Prussian Poland to the United
States
and to the Ruhr in western Germany, then from the old Kingdom, and
finally
in an enormous exodus from overcrowded Galicia which took over one
million
- Poles, Jews and Ukranians - abroad, mostly to the Americas, between
l870
and 1914.
The second reason for the fading of the
Organic Work strategy
was political. If it was not to degenerate into mere opportunism, only
making life easier for those with money and position, it had to show
returns
- an appreciative readiness of the partition Powers to allow the Poles
to run their own affairs. But the opposite was true: in Russia and
Germany,
above all, imperialist russianising and germanising policies were
growing
rapidly more oppressive.
THE STRUGGLES FOR POLAND BY NEAL ASCHERSON
excerpts of the
First American Edition
Random House Inc.
New York 1988
|
Leon Wyczółkowski:
Portret prof. Ludwika Rydygiera z asystentami.
1897.
Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie.
Leon Wyczółkowski:
Portret Karola Olszewskiego.
Olga Boznańska:
Portret Henryka Sienkiewicza.
Muzeum Narodowe, Kraków.
Leon Wyczółkowski:
Portret Jana Kasprowicza.
1898. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Narodowe, Kraków.
Jacek Malczewski:
Portret Władysława Reymonta.
1905. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Jacek Malczewski:
Portret Adama Asnyka z Muzą.
1895-97. Olej na płótnie. 154 x 177 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Poznań.
Juliusz Kossak:
Woźnica warszawski.
1863. Akwarela, papier. 34,5 x 53 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Kraków.
Ferdynand Ruszczyc:
Ziemia.
1898. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Józef Chełmoński:
Wypłata robocizny (Sobota na folwarku).
1869. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Aleksander Kotsis:
W szynku.
Ok. 1870. Olej na kartonie.
Galeria Obrazów, Lwów.
Aleksander Kotsis: Ostatnia chudoba.
1870. Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Aleksander Kotsis: Matula pomarli.
1868.Galeria Obrazów, Lwów.
Józef Szermentowski:
Pogrzeb chłopski.
1862. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Jozef Szermentowski
"Peasant's Funeral", 1862, National Museum, Warsaw
Aleksander Gierymski
"Bank of the Vistula", c. 1883, National Museum, Cracow
It was at this stage in Polish history that Jozef
Pilsudski
entered the struggle. As the nineteenth century ended, the Poles looked
back on a hundred years of humiliation and martyrdom and swore that
there
would not be another hundred. Internationally, the outlook for
restoring
an independent Poland was bleak. But the tightening vice of foreign
repression,
added to the miseries of the economic slump, was breeding up a fresh
militancy
in all the Polish lands. The emergence of coherent political movements,
like the Polish Socialist Party, gave resistance and struggle a quite
new
staying-power. Pilsudski was typical of the young Polish generation,
impatient
to renew the struggle, hoping against all reason for a sign of weakness
in one of its imperial enemies.
Józef Piłsudski was born in a country manor in
Lithuania,
to a family of the Polish squires who had dominated that country for
centuries,
only four years after the suppression of the last great Polish
insurrection
which began in January l863. He grew up in a land helplessly exposed to
the Russian vengeance that followed the January Rising: executions,
torturings,
arrests, deportation to Siberia, the confiscation of estates, the
suppression
of Polish culture and language, and the persecution of the Catholic
Church.
At school, Piłudski's teachers were Russians who sneered at his
Polishness
and treated him as an alien in his own country. Józef Piłsudski
acquired
a hatred and fear of Russia which never left him. The Polish gentry in
Lithuania were little affected by the doctrines of compromise, of a
sort
of patriotic adaptation to foreign rule, which became widespread in
other
parts of the divided nation in the years after l863. They remained true
to the older tradition of romantic conspiracy, which looked to yet
another
armed insurrection to liberate Poland. (...)The situation at the turn
of
the century was a strange one. Poland had lost its independence just
over
a hundred years before, and remained partitioned between Russia,
Austria-Hungary
and the German Empire, which had inherited the conquests of Prussia. On
the one hand, the profound discouragement which had fallen upon the
Poles
after the failure of the January Rising in 1863 was rapidly wearing
off.
The sober doctrines which gained support in the decades after the
Rising,
suggesting that the true patriotism was to avoid head-on conflict with
the occupiers and build up the economic and cultural strength of the
nation
by hard work, agricultural improvemem and social organisation - this
cautious
approach was out of fashion. Political parties were being founded, some
operating openly in the relatively tolerant conditions of the Austrian
partition, others underground. Higher education, some of it
clandestine,
was reviving even under the Russians. In the Prussian partition, a
vigorous
and quite successful struggle was being waged on the land to resist
German
colonisation. The economic turn-down at the end of the century, which
had
reached the dimensions of a severe slump in Russia, was spreading
bankruptcies
and unemployment and undermining the case for patient, constructive
work.
The new generation, which had not experienced the devastating
consequences
of 1863, was disinclined to be patient.
THE STRUGGLES FOR POLAND BY NEAL ASCHERSON
excerpts of the
First American Edition
Random House Inc.
New York 1988
|
Wojciech Kossak:
Czerkiesi na Nowym Świecie. Ilustracja do "Wspomnień".
1912. Akwarela.
Wojciech Kossak:
Czerkiesi na Krakowskim Przedmieściu.
1912. olej na płótnie. 100 x 200 cm.
Własność prywatna.
Stanisław Masłowski: Wiosna roku 1905.
1906. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Wojciech Kossak:
Marszałek Józef Piłsudski na
Kasztance.
1928. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Poland Resurrected: 1900-1921
1914, the novelist Joseph Conrad decided to
take his family
on a continental holiday. He wanted to show his English wife and
children
the city of Kraków, where he had grown up and where he had buried his
father,
the revolutionary Apollo Korzeniowski. The Archduke Franz Ferdinand,
successor
to the imperial Austro-Hungarian throne, had been shot at Sarajevo a
few
weeks before. Like most ordinary Europeans, Conrad paid little
attention
to this. As a result, the outbreak of the First World War caught the
Conrads
in Krakow, in what was now the enemy territory of Austria-Hungary, and
it was only with the greatest difficulty that they managed to escape
internment
and make their way back to Britain.
On the night of the general mobilisation, as
army cars
rushed hooting through the streets and crowds of unwilling young men
slouched
to the barracks to have their hair cut off and their uniforms fitted,
Conrad
and a group of Polish friends gathered in the smoking-room of his hotel
and contemplated the future.
'The big room was lit up only by a few tall
candles, just
enough for us to see each other's faces by. I saw in those faces the
awful
desolation of men whose country, torn in three, found itself engaged in
the contest with no will of its own, and not even the power to assert
itself
at the cost of life. All the past was gone, and there was no future,
whatever
happened; no road which did not seem to lead to moral annihilation.'
Conrad,
recalling the scene a year later, wrote: 'I am glad I have not so many
years left me to remember that appalling feeling of inexorable fate,
tangible,
palpable, come after so many cruel years, a figure of dread, murmuring
with iron lips the final words: Ruin - and Extinction. (Joseph Conrad,
Notes on Lifes and Letters, J. M. Dent & Sons, London, 1921, p.
229,
P.238)
Four years later, Poland regained her
independence. The
war which seemed to promise only ruin and extinction led to the
collapse
of all the three partitioning empires. But there are lessons in that
memory
of Conrad's which should never be forgotten. Only hindsight or the
bravest
contemporary guess could identify those baleful days of 19l4 with the
beginning
of Poland's resurrection. Only the most absurd nationalism could
attribute
that resurrection to the actions of the Poles themselves. There was
nothing
inevitable about Poland's revival in 1918, which was the result of an
incredible
stroke of fortune. In 1914, there was no lack of Polish politicians
struggling
for the independence of their country, openly or underground, at
liberty
or in prisons. But Conrad in that Kraków hotel, like most Poles, shared
only their aspirations, not their optimism.
(...)
In the gap between the end of the war and the
beginning
of Versailles, the new Polish frontiers were already being set.
Fighting
had broken out between Poles and Ukrainians at Lwów in November 1918,
ending
with all Galicia under Polish control seven months later. In December
1918,
there was a victorious Polish rising in the German province of Poznań.
The Lithuanian capital of Wilno was taken first by the Bolsheviks and
then
by the Poles. Czechs and Poles fought each other in the Cieszyń region,
the small industrial area which had been Austrian Silesia. That
struggle
ended in July 1920 when the Allied powers enforced a partition - a
solution
never accepted by the 140,000 Poles who found themselves on the
Czechoslovak
side of the frontier.
(...)
The toughest problem on the western borders
was Upper
Silesia. With its concentration of coal-mines, many producing
high-grade
coking coal, and its iron and steel mills, this was the most valuable
industrial
area in central Europe. Under German rule, its population had become a
dense mixture of Catholic Poles and Catholic German Silesians under a
crust
of Prussian Lutheran administrators and industrial capitalists who were
usually German or German-Jewish. Many 'Germans' were of Polish descent
and had relations who considered themselves Polish. .
About the only problem modern Poland has been
spared
is regionalism. Minorities of other nationalities are a different
matter;
the Poles themselves share a remarkably uniform culture. The exception
was - and to some extent still is - Upper Silesia, separated from the
Polish
state long before the Partitions and conscious of a distinct identity.
The Polish mining villages had given their hearts to the charismatic
Wojciech
Korfanty, who had represented them in the German Reichstag and who was
to be the only politician in independent Poland with a local support so
strong that he could defy the influence of Warsaw. Korfanty belonged to
the Christian Democrats, a Catholic party formed in 19°2 to block the
advance
of socialism in the working class.
Nobody was going to abandon Upper Silesia
without a fight.
The economy of central and eastern Germany depended on it; but without
Upper Silesia, Poland would be a poor rural country lacking a primary
industrial
base. After two Polish insurrections in the region, the Allies
intervened
and held a plebiscite. This produced a German majority of votes,
inflated
but not decided by trainloads of Germans ferried in for the poll. The
result,
on 3 May 192 I, was a third Polish rising led by Korfanty and helped by
the passive support of the French occupation troops, which ended after
several months of savage fighting with the Poles in possession of most
of Upper Silesia. The League of Nations drew a final partition line in
October, giving the best part of the industrial districts to Poland.
These fights around the frontier were
overshadowed by
the Polish-Soviet war of 1920-21, an event which for a brief but
terrifying
moment seemed to threaten the whole of Europe and whose baleful
consequences
were to determine not only the nature of the Polish state but the fate
of the next generation.
Here, Piłsudski was the moving spirit. It is
still often
said that he attacked Russia in order to suppress Bolshevism, that he
acted
as mere tool of Britain and France who had already intervened on
the White side in the Russian civil war. But this is a false account
both
of what happened and of Piłsudski' s motives. Paderewski in Paris had
once
suggested that Polish armies could be used to overthrow Lenin, but
nothing
had come of it. Piłsudski' s aim, in contrast, had always been to
restore
something akin to the old Common-wealth, by detaching the Ukraine from
Russia and bringing it into a federation with Poland. He failed to
reach
any agreement with the Whites, who could see no point in helping Poland
to demolish the empire they hoped to restore.
Ever since the Armistice, the Germany army
stranded in
the east had formed a buffer between Poland and Russia. In February
1919,
it finally withdrew, and Polish and Bolshevik units began to collide.
Slowly
the old Commonwealth outlines began to reappear, as Polish troops took
Wilno in April 1919 and Minsk, the main city of Byelorussia, in August.
The Bolsheviks, preoccupied with the civil war, we re ready to be
flexible
over frontiers with the Poles, but talks between the two sides broke
down
in December. Meanwhile, the Allies were becoming alarmed by Piłsudski's
march to the east. They had no love for Bolshevik Russia, but neither
had
they expected Poland to turn into the enormous revival of historical
dominions,
which was now taking shape.
Piłsudski turned his attention to the Ukraine,
which had
a precarious government of its own under the Hetman Petlura. He was
able
to force Petlura to agree that eastern Galicia - in spite of its
Ukrainian
majority in population- should be merged into Poland, in return for
Polish
protection for Petlura's authority in the rest of the Ukraine. But t e
deal did not stick; most Ukrainian patriots rejected the surrender of
Galicia
as unpardonable treachery. However, Polish troops supported by
Petlura's
forces went ahead with their attack on the Bolsheviks in the Ukraine,
on
8 May 1920.
By now the Bolsheviks saw the Polish advance
as a threat
to the survival of the Revolution itself. A huge army was assembled,
and
in the summer of 1920 a double counter-offensive, led by Budyonny's
cavalry
army in Galicia and the talented young General Tukhachevsky in the
north,
burst through Piłsudski's defences and poured westwards towards Poland.
It seems to have been Lenin, normally the
coolest of men,
who decided -against the, opinions of his colleagues, including Trotsky
and Stalin - that this offensive should go forward until it carried the
Revolution into the heart of Europe. Tukhachevsky proclaimed: 'Over the
corpse of White Poland lies the road to worldwide conflagration.' By
August,
the offensive was nearing Warsaw; Cossack cavalry crossed the Vistula
north
of the capital, and the Bolsheviks we re approaching the German
frontiers
of East Prussia. If Poland fell, the way to Berlin would be open. ,
Confident of victory, the Soviet government
had set :up
a revolutionary committee, the nucleus of a Polish government, at
Białystok
under Julian Marchlewski, a Polish Communist who had been one of the
SDKPiL
leaders.
(...)
Tukhachevsky's armies surging across northern
Poland were
leaving an undefended flank, and the Poles -outmanoeuvred but not
defeated
- took their chance. A strike force was hastily put together, and on 13
August it tore across Tukhachevsky's rear and cut him off. A hundred
thousand
prisoners were taken, and the Soviet armies fled out of Poland with
Piłsudski's
men at their heels.
Marian Żebrowski was a young cavalry officer;
his regiment
headed the Polish counter-offensive as it hit the left flank of
Tukhachevsky's
advance. 'Army people know what it means when one is attacked across
the
line of one' s advance. That means the complete destruction of an
offensive
- and that's just what happened. The third and fourth squadrons
destroyed
everything ahead of them. The second squadron rode round the right
wing,
crossed a bridge and covered our right. The first squadron was sent to
deliver a cavalry charge on the left, where larger groups of the enemy
had been seen. In the last phase of its attack, the squadron got into
some
marshland and in this marshy ground there we re small units of the
enemy.
Our men fired on them, but the horses began to sink into the soft
ground
and the charge came to a standstill. The enemy redoubled their fire,
and
the squadron took heavy casualties . . . My friend, an officer-cadet
called
Suchodolski - his horse was killed and he fell, and was stabbed seven
times
with a bayonet. I helped to carry him to the ambulance cart and he just
said to me: "Marian, we won such glory today, though I won't see the
results
of it . . .'"
This was the battle
of Warsaw, or the 'Miracle on the Vistula'. It was one of the most
dazzling operations in European military history. It saved Poland' s
independence,
and it forced Soviet Russia to abandon for ever the idea that November
1917 had been only the prelude to world revolution; from now on, Lenin
was to adopt a more defensive policy which was to end in Stalin's
formulation
of 'socialism in one country'. Many people, then and now, have
concluded
that in 1920 Poland saved Europe from Communism. It would be more
prudent
to say that the 'Miracle' probably saved Germany from Soviet invasion.
The revolutionary tide in Germany was ebbing fast by the summer of
1920,
and any Red Republic established there by Soviet troops would have been
swept away by the combined armies of the West.
(...)
THE STRUGGLES FOR POLAND BY NEAL
ASCHERSON
excerpts of the
First American Edition
Random House Inc.
New York 1988
|
Wojciech Kossak:
Potyczka z kozakami.
1917. Olej na płótnie. 80 x 85 cm.
Własność prywatna.
Stanisław Bagieński
Wejście Legionów do Warszawy, 1917, Muzeum
Wojska Polskiego, Warszaw
Stanislaw Bagienski
"The Polish Legions Entering Warsaw", 1917, Polish Army Museum, Warsaw
Wojciech Kossak:
Orlęta - obrona cmentarza.
1926. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Wojska Polskiego, Warszawa.
Potyczka z kozakami przy studni
1930. Olej na dykcie. 55 x 80 cm
Własność prywatna.
Mikołaj Wisznicki
Szarża pod Wołodarką, 1935, Muzeum
Wojska Polskiego, Warszawa.
Mikolaj Wisznicki
Charge at Wolodarka, 1935, Polish Army Museum, Warsaw
Jerzy Kossak
Cud nad Wisłą 15 sierpnia 1920 roku
1930. Olej na płótnie. 94 x 145 cm.
Własność prywatna.
Jerzy Kossak
Miracle of the Vistula August 15, 1920
Stanisław Kaczor-Batowski
"Battle of Zadworze", 1929, Polish Army Museum, Warsaw
Stanisław Kaczor-Batowski
"Bitwa pod Zadwórzem", 1929, Muzeum
Wojska Polskiego, Warszawa.
Pościg ułanów krechowieckich za bolszewikami
1930. Olej na tekturze. 33 x 48 cm.
Muzeum Wojska Polskiego, Warszawa.
Pościg 6 pułku ułanów za bolszewikami
1930. Olej na desce. 22 x 38 cm.
Muzeum Historyczne miasta Krakowa.
Pościg za uciekającym komisarzem
1934. Olej na dykcie. 30,5 x 40 cm.
Własność prywatna.
Wojciech Kossak, Mlody obronca, olej 1933
Wojciech Kossak:
Zaślubiny Polski z morzem.
1931. Olej na płótnie. 118 x 174 cm.
Własność prywatna.
Wojciech Kossak:
Apoteoza Wojska Polskiego
(środek tryptyku: Wizja Wojska Polskiego).
1935. Olej na płótnie. 200 x 300 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Wojciech Kossak:
Wizja żołnierska.
1935. Olej na płótnie. 54 x 100 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Wojciech Kossak:
Portret Marszałka Józefa
Piłsudskiego.
1928.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
"Pilsudski on Horseback", 1928,
109 x 93 cm, National Museum, Warsaw
Wojciech Kossak:
Szarża pułku ułanów.
1926. Olej na płótnie.
Muzeum Wojska Polskiego, Warszawa.
Wojciech Kossak:
Ułani (Kawalerzyści).
1926. Olej na tekturze.
Muzeum Narodowe, Kraków.
Wojciech Kossak:
Idzie ułan borem, lasem.
1934. Olej na płótnie. 90 x 120 cm.
Muzeum Narodowe, Warszawa.
Ignacy Zygmuntowicz
"Polish Cavalry on Patrol", oil on canvas, 60 x 92 cm, private
collection
|
World War II
Germany occupied all Bohemia and Moravia in
March 1939.
Simultaneously, the Germans issued an ultimatum to Poland over Danzig,
and Poland responded by moving troops up to the frontier.
(...)
On 31 March the British prime minister,
Neville Chamberlain,
announced that Britain would guarantee Polish independence in the event
of attack. Beck flew to London, and the guarantee was made formal in
April.
Hitler retorted by renouncing his 1934 pact with Poland.
On 23 August, to the stupefaction of the
world, Ribbentrop
and Molotov signed the Nazi-Soviet Pact of Non-Aggression. A secret
protocol
to the pact provided for the partition of Poland and the Baltic States
between Germany and the Soviet Dnion. Once again, the main dish at the
feast of friendship between Poland' s historic enemies proved to be
Poland's
independence. A few days later, Britain signed a more specific
alliance,
making it clear that a German attack would lead to war with Britain as
well as with Poland.
On 1 September 1939, with no deelaration of war,
German
troops crossed the Polish frontier. On 3 September, Britain and France
declared war on Germany. Precisely a fortnight later, on 17 September,
the Red Army entered Poland from the east.
THE STRUGGLES FOR POLAND BY NEAL ASCHERSON
excerpts of the
First American Edition
Random House Inc.
New York 1988
|
Treaty of Nonaggression
Between
Germany and the Union of Soviet
Socialist
Republics
The Government of the
German Reich
and the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics desirous
of strengthening the cause of peace between Germany and the U.S.S.R and
proceeding from the fundamental provisions of the Neutrality Agreement
concluded in April 1926 between Germany and the U.S.S.R., have reached
the following agreement:
ARTICLE I
Both High Contracting
Parties obligate,
themselves to desist from any act of violence, any aggressive action,
and
any attack on each other, either individually or jointly with other
powers.
ARTICLE II
Should one of the High
Contracting
Parties become the object of belligerent action by a third power, the
other
High Contracting Party shall in no manner lend its support to this
third
power.
ARTICLE III
The Governments of the two
High
Contracting Parties shall in the future maintain continual contact with
one another for the purpose of consultation in order to exchange
information
on problems affecting their common interests.
ARTICLE IV
Neither of the two High
Contracting
Parties shall participate in any grouping of powers whatsoever that is
directly or indirectly aimed at the other party.
ARTICLE V
Should disputes or
conflicts arise
between the High Contracting Parties over problems of one kind or
another,
both parties shall settle these disputes or conflicts exclusively
through
friendly exchange of opinion or, if necessary, through the
establishment
of arbitration commissions.
ARTICLE VI
The present treaty is
concluded
for a period of ten years, with the provision that, in so far as one of
the High Contracting Parties does not denounce it one year prior to the
expiration of this period, the validity of this treaty shall
automatically
be extended for another five years.
ARTICLE VI
The present treaty shall be
ratified
within the shortest possible time. The ratifications shall be exchanged
in Berlin. The agreement shall enter into force as soon as it is
signed.
Done in duplicate, in
the German
and Russian languages.
MOSCOW, August 23, 1939.
For the Government of
the German
Reich:
V. RIBBENTROP
With full power of the
Government
of the U.S.S.R.:
V. MOLOTOV
Secret Additional Protocol
On the occasion of the
signature
of the Nonaggression Pact between the German Reich and the Union of
Socialist
Soviet Republics the undersigned plenipotentiaries of each of the two
parties
discussed in strictly confidential conversations the question of the
boundary
of their respective spheres of influence in Eastern Europe. These
conversations
led to the following conclusions:
1. In the event of a
territorial
and political rearrangement in the areas belonging to the Baltic States
(Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania), the northern boundary of
Lithuania
shall represent the boundary of the spheres of influence of Germany and
the U.S.S.R. In this connection the interest of Lithuania in the Vilna
area is recognized by each party.
2. In the event of a
territorial
and political rearrangement of the areas belonging to the Polish state
the spheres of influence of Germany and the U.S.S.R. shall be bounded
approximately
by the line of the rivers Narew, Vistula, and San.
The question of whether
the interests
of both parties make desirable the maintenance of an independent Polish
state and how such a state should be bounded can only be definitely
determined
in the course of further political developments.
In any event both
Governments will
resolve this question by means of a friendly agreement.
3. With regard to
Southeastern Europe
attention is called by the Soviet side to its interest in Bessarabia.
The
German side declares; its complete political disinterestedness in these
areas.
This protocol shall be
treated by
both parties as strictly secret.
Moscow, August 23, 1939.
For the Government of
the German
Reich:
V. RIBBENTROP
Plenipotentiary of the
Government
of the U.S.S.R.:
V. MOLOTOV
|
Poland is a country where brilliant ideas have
been bom,
but seldom nursed up to full application. Nicolaus Copernicus, from
Toruń,
showed that the earth revolved round the sun; Michał Kalecki was a
pioneer
of modern socialist economics; Polish mathematicians from Poznań broke
the secret of the German 'Enigma' coding machine. But it was not Poland
that conquered the cosmos, ran a successful welfare stafe or won the
'secret
war' of cryptography between 1939 and 1945.
Other countries put these ideas into practice.
So it was
with Blitzkrieg, the concept of waging offensive war with fast-moving
columns
of armour or motorised infantry, concentrating maximum force to punch
through
a minimum sector of enemy line. This theory came into the mind of a
young
French officer named, Charles de Gaulle as he witnessed the rapid
thrusts
of the Polish-Soviet War, utterly unlike the broad-front offensives
which
had gained so little at such hideous cost on the Western Front a few
years
before. What if those cavalry armies could be replaced by tanks built
for
speed?
But it was British and German military
thinkers who developed
the idea of mobile warfare, years before de Gaulle finally put his
thoughts
on paper. And itwas the Germans who first tested his theory, in the
campaign
against Poland in September 1939. Poland was attacked from three sides
at once by Panzer divisions, and mobile units followed through the gaps
they made. The German ranks outnumbered the Polish by at least ten to
one,
and with an airforce five rimes as large as that of Poland - the
Germans
immediately seized command of the air.
It should have been an easy victory, but it
was not. The
Germans afterwards regarded it as a hard-fought campaign, and were
disconcerted
by the capacity of the Poles to keep fighting and regrouping in spite
of
such hopeless weriority in weapons. The casualties Germany took were
heavier
than in the longer campaign in France the following year.
(...)
The extraordinary thing about the Polish
soldiers was
the self-reliance: their capacity to reorganise into ever-smaller
units,
as all coherent command from above vanished, and to go on fighting.
Part
of the Polish navy had already escaped and reached British and French
ports,
ready to continue the war, and as resistance collapsed about a hundred
Polish aircrat - all that remained - flew to Romania.
At 3.30 on the morning of 17 September 1939,
the Polish
ambassador m Moscow was summoned from his bed and handed a 'Note'. The
Soviet Union announced that as the Polish state had ceased to exist
(which
was not true) steps had become necessary to protect the Ukrainian and
Byelorussiai
minorities in the 'former' Polish territories. An hour later, Soviet
troops
crossed the frontier.
At first, the incredulous Poles imagined that the
Red
Army might be come to their assistance. There was little resistance to
the invasion, the eastern border being almost unprotected, but the
truth
became rapidly plain as the Soviet forces moved across eastern Poland
to
a demarcation line along the rivers Bug and San. A Fourth Partition of
Poland was taking place.
THE STRUGGLES FOR POLAND BY NEAL ASCHERSON
excerpts of the
First American Edition
Random House Inc.
New York 1988
|
|
German-Soviet Boundary and
Friendship
Treaty
The Government of the
German Reich
and the Government of the U.S.S.R. consider it as exclusively their
task,
after the collapse of the former Polish state, to re-establish peace
and
order in these territories and to assure to the peoples living there a
peaceful life in keeping with their national character. To this end,
they
have agreed upon the following:
ARTICLE I.
The Government of the
German Reich
and the Government of the U.S.S.R. determine as the boundary of their
respective
national interests in the territory of the former Polish state the line
marked on the attached map, which shall be described in more detail in
a supplementary protocol.
ARTICLE II.
Both parties recognize the
boundary
of the respective nation interests established in article I as
definitive
and shall reject any interference of third powers in this settlement.
ARTICLE III.
The necessary
reorganization of
public administration will be effected in the areas west of the line
specified
in article I by the Government of the German Reich, in the areas east
of
this line by the Government of the U.S.S.R.
ARTICLE IV.
The Government of the
German Reich
and the Government of the U.S.S.R. regard this settlement as a firm
foundation
for a progressive development of the friendly relations between their
peoples.
ARTICLE V.
This treaty shall be
ratified and
the ratifications shall be exchanged in Berlin as soon as possible. The
treaty becomes effective upon signature.
Done in duplicate, in
the German
and Russian languages.
Moscow, September
28,1939.
For the Government of
the German
Reich:
J. RIBBENTROP.
By authority of the
Government of
the U.S.S.R.:
W. MOLOTOV.
Confidential Protocol
The Government of the
U.S.S.R. shall
place no obstacles in the way of Reich nationals and other persons of
German
descent residing in the territories under its jurisdiction, if they
desire
to migrate to Germany or to the territories under German jurisdiction.
It agrees that such removals shall be carried out by agents of the
Government
of the Reich in cooperation with the competent local authorities and
that
the property rights of the emigrants shall be protected.
A corresponding
obligation is assumed
by the Government of the German Reich in respect to the persons of
Ukrainian
or White Russian descent residing in the territories under its
jurisdiction.
Moscow, September
28,1939.
For the Government of
the German
Reich:
J. RIBBENTROP
By authority of the
Government of
the U.S.S.R.
W. MOLOTOV.
Secret Supplementary Protocol
The undersigned
plenipotentiaries,
on concluding the German Russian Boundary and Friendship Treaty, have
declared
their agreement upon the following:
Both parties will
tolerate in their
territories no Polish agitation which affects the territories of the
other
party. They will suppress in their territories all beginnings of such
agitation
and inform each other concerning suitable measures for this purpose.
Moscow, September
28,1939.
For the Government of
the German
Retch:
J. RIBBENTROP
By authority of the
Government of
the U.S.S.R.:
W. MOLOTOV
The Reich Foreign Minister
to the Chairman of the Council of
People's
Commissars of the Soviet the Soviet
Union.
(Molotov)
CONFIDENTIAL
Moscow, September 28, 1939.
MR. CHAIRMAN: I have the
honor to
acknowledge receipt of your letter of today, wherein you communicate to
me the following:
"Implementing my letter
of today
about the formulation of a common economic program, the Government of
the
U.S.S.R. will see to it that German transit traffic to and from Rumania
by way of the Upper Silesia-Lemberg-Kolomea railroad line shall be
facilitated
in every respect. The two Governments will, in the framework of the
proposed
trade negotiations, make arrangements without delay for the operation
of
this transit traffic. The same will apply to the German transit traffic
to and from Iran, to and from Afghanistan as well as to and from the
countries
of the Far East.
"Furthermore, the
Government of
the U.S.S.R. declares that it is willing. in addition to the quantity
of
oil previously agreed upon or to be agreed upon hereafter, to supply a
further quantity of oil commensurate with the annual production of the
oil district of Drohobycz and Boryslav, with the proviso that one half
of this quantity shall be supplied to Germany from the oil fields of
the
aforesaid oil district and the other half from other oil districts of
the
U.S.S.R. As compensation for these supplies of oil, the U.S.S.R. would
accept German supplies of hard coal and steel piping."
I take note of this
communication
with satisfaction and concur in it in the name of the Government of the
German Reich.
Accept, Mr. Chairman,
the renewed
assurance of my highest consideration.
VON RIBBENTROP
|
Hitler
Ansprache vor den Oberbefehlshabern auf
dem Obersalzberg
22. August 1939
"Der Krieg würde bis zur völligen
Vernichtung Polens
geführt
mit größter Brutalität und ohne
Rücksichten."
"Unsere Stärke ist unsere
Schnelligkeit und unsere
Brutalität. Dschingis Khan hat Millionen Frauen und Kinder in den Tod
gejagt,
bewußt und fröhlichen Herzens. Die Geschichte sieht in ihm nur den
großen
Staatengründer. Was die schwache westeuropäische Zivilisation
über
mich behauptet, ist gleichgültig. Ich habe den Befehl gegeben – und ich
lasse jeden füsilieren, der auch nur ein Wort der Kritik äußert – daß
das
Kriegsziel nicht im Erreichen von bestimmten Linien, sondern in der
physischen
Vernichtung des Gegners besteht. So habe ich, einstweilen nur im
Osten, meine Totenkopfverbände bereitgestellt mit dem Befehl,
unbarmherzig
und mitleidslos Mann, Weib und Kind polnischer Abstammung und Sprache
in
den Tod zu schicken. Nur so gewinnen wir den Lebensraum, den wir
brauchen.
Wer redet heute noch von der Vernichtung der Armenier?"
Hitler
na odprawie generałów formacji Wehrmacht
Obersalzberg, 22 sierpnia 1939
Naszą siłą jest nasza szybkość i
brutalność.
Dżyngis Chan rzucił na śmierć miliony kobiet i dzieci świadomie i z
lekkim
sercem – historia widzi w nim tylko wielkiego założyciela państw. Nie
ma
znaczenia, co o mnie sądzi słaba cywilizacja zachodnioeuropejska.
Wydałem
rozkaz - i zastrzelę każdego, kto wyrazi choć jedno słowo krytyki - że
celem wojny nie jest osiągnięcie jakiejś linii geograficznej, ale
fizyczna
eksterminacja wrogów. Obecnie tylko na wschodzie umieściłem
oddziały
SS Totenkopf (Z TRUPIĄ GŁÓWKĄ), dając im rozkaz nieugiętego i
bezlitosnego
zabijania kobiet i dzieci polskiego pochodzenia i polskiej mowy, bo
tylko
tą drogą zdobyć możemy potrzebną nam przestrzeń życiową. Kto w
naszych
czasach jeszcze mówi o ekstermiancji Ormian?
Hitler's speech to
Commanders-in-Chief, at Obersalzberg,
22 August 1939
Our strength is our quickness and our
brutality. Genghis
Khan had millions of women and children hunted down and killed,
deliberately
and with a gay heart. History sees in him only the great founder of
States.
What the weak Western European civilization alleges about me, does not
matter. I have given the order - and will have everyone shot who utters
but one word of criticism - that the aim of {translator: this} war does
not consist in reaching certain {translator: geographical} lines, but
in
the enemies' physical elimination. Thus, for the time being only in the
east, I put ready my Death's Head units, with the order to kill without
pity or mercy all men, women, and children of the Polish race or
language.
Only thus will we gain the living space that we need. Who still talks
nowadays
of the extermination of the Armenians?
|
|
Herbert Hupka, ein Offizier der Wehrmacht
awarded by Hitler for the Wehrmacht massacres and atrocities
in Greece
on racial grounds dismissed from the Wehrmacht as unworthy bear
arms
in 1944
(wehrunwürdig)
but awarded again with the Hitler's administration position
in German occupied Polish town Cieszyn, Silesia,
escaped justice in 1945
CONCISE STATISTICAL YEAR-BOOK OF -POLAND
SEPTEMBER 1939-JUNE 1941
PUBLlSHED BY
THE POLlSH MINISTRY OF INFORMATION
FOREWORD TO FIRST EDITION
THE compilers of the Concise Statistical Year-Book of Poland for
1939-1941
had a twofold aim in view :
1. To give the statistical data concerning Poland as she was at the
outbreak of the war.
2. To give a correct picture of the rending of the living body of
Poland
into two, German-occupied and Russian-occupied, areas between September
1939 and June 1941. These data may help the reader to realize what
Polish
resources, human and material, were at that time at the disposal of
each
of the occupying powers. They will assist in forming a correct picture
of the resources exploited and pillaged by the Germans, who are now in
control of the whole territory of Poland.
The tables of the last, 10th edition, of the Concise Statistical
Year-Book
of Poland published by the Chief Bureau of Statistics of the Republic
of
Poland in June 1939, and which referred to the whole country, have
been,
in some instances, revised in such way that, beside the data referring
to the whole of Poland, data for German-occupied and Russian-occupied
Poland
have been added.
FOREWORD TO SECOND EDITION
ON presenting the British public with the second edition of the Concise
Statistical Year-Book of Poland, September 1939-June 1941, we ought to
stress that many data contained in it relates to the period prior to
1940
and accordingly may appeal out of date to the general reader. It is
thought,
however, that this Year-Book is still of actual value and interest
because
it gives a picture of the territorial, demographic, administrative and
economic state of the Republic of Poland at the time of the outbreak of
the second world war and in the years following immediately upon the
partition
of Polish territory between Germany and Russia.
GENERAL REMARKS
IN the preparation of the tables dealing with Polish and International
relations the only sources used have been the publication of the Chief
Bureau of Statistics of Poland, namely, the Concise Statistical
Year-Book
of Poland, as also the " Statistics of Poland" Series (Statystyka
Polski).
The informations regarding the territorial division of Poland into
Germany
and U.S.S.R. since September 1939 to June 1941 are based on estimates.
The data concerning Poland does not include the Zaolzie-Cieszyn
district
recovered in 1938, if not otherwise stated.
Ali weights and measures quoted in this Year-Book are, unless stated,
in the metric system, thus :
millimetre (mm)
metre (m) = 1000 mm
square metre (sq. m)
cubic metre (cub. m) kilometre (km) = 1000 metres square kilometre
(sq. km) hectare (ha) = WOOO sq. m litre (l)
hectolitre (hl) = 100 l kilogramrne (kg) = 1000 gramrnes quintal (g)
= 100 kg
ton (t) = 1000 kg
0•039 inch 39•371 inches 10•764 sq. feet 35•313 cub. feet
0•621 statute mile 0•386 sq. mile 2•471 acres
0•220 Imperial gallon 21•997 Imperial gallons 2•205 Ib. avoirdupois
220•462 Ib. avoirdupois 2204•621 Ib. avoirdupois
For parity and bourse rates of Zloty (zl.) in relation to the various
foreign currencies, see Section X, Table 20, page 103.
The following symbols have been applied throughout in the tables in
this Year-Book :
Dash (-) denotes that the given subject was non-existent. Zero (O)
is used to express values too. small to be noted, e.g. if production is
expressed .in thousand tons, the use of this symbol indicates that the
given output was below 500 tons.
Dot ( . ) indicates either no data or no reliable data are
available.
Cross ( x ) is put into spaces which cannot be filled out owing to
the composition of some tables.
Decimal figures are preceded in the tables by a full stop (.) and not
a comma.
Section I
9. Area, population and density of population
in the
two enemy-occupied areas.
10. Urban and rural population in the two
enemy-occupied
areas
11. Area, administrative division and
population in
the two enemy occupied areas
12. Territorial changes in Europe in result of
aggressive
action during the period March 1938-May 1941
14. Population by religion and mother-tongue
15. Population of certain countries in Europe,
by
religion
16. Population of Poland, by motber-tongue in
two
enemy-occupied areas
17. Population of Poland, by religion in the
two enemy-occupied
areas -
18. Population, according to source of
maintenance,
religious and social structure
19. Population, by occupational groups, in
urban and
rural areas in the two enemy-occupied territories
20. Population, in percentage, by occupational
groups,
in urban and rural areas in two enemy-occupied territories
25. Population of tbe large towns
26. Population of the principal towns in 1931:
Sex,
Mother-tongue, Illiteracy, Occupational Structure
Section II
15. Emigrants and immigrants of Polish
citizenship
during the period 1919-38, and repatriation of war-refugees during the
period 1919-25
Section III
7. Dwelling-houses and dwellings in 1931, in
the two
enemy-occupied areas 30
8. War damage in Warsaw in September 1939
Section IV
2. Rural holdings, according to area of land
utilizcd
for agriculture in 1931 in the two enemy-occupied areas - 31
|
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Deutscher
Schulatlas 1942
Europa als
Lebensraum, Oktober
1942
Der Aufbau des
Grossdetschen Reiches
seit 1933
Die Gaueinteilung der
NSDAP
|
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German apartheid in occupied
Poland
Legal segregation system
of Polish citizens
in Eastern Part of Germany-occupied Poland
called by Germans
Generalgouvernement fuer die besetzten polnischen Gebiete
Generalgouvernement
from September 1, 1939 till the end of German occupation
Total population
after annexing formerly Russian-occupied part of Poland:
12.000.000
[Source: Jahrbuch der Weltpolitik 1942, 155]
Mother tongue: Polish
9.488.000
[Source: Jahrbuch fuer Politik und Auslandskunde
1941, 325]
no human rights
no civil rights
In the beginning of occupation:
deutsche Schutzangehoerige – German subjects of no civil
rights
Later:
Staatenlose – stateless of no civil rights
Sources:
- D e n n e w i t z, Volk und Staat, s. 236.
- Johanny - Redelsberger, Volk, Partei, Reich,
35.
- Verordnungsblatt GGP, 1939, 1.
- W e h, Das Recht des Generalgouvernements, B 400
- B
495.
- W e h, Das Recht des Generalgouvernements, F 100
- F
450.
Mother tongue: Jewish (Yiddish and Hebrew)
ca 2.000.000
no human rights
no civil rights
Sources:
- Verordnung ueber die Kennzeichnung von Juden und
Juedinen im Generalgouvernement
vom 25. XI. 1939 (Verordnungsblatt GGP, 61)
- Verordnung ueber die Einsetzung von Judenraten
vom
28. XI. 1939 (Verordnungsblatt
GGP,72).
- Die Burg. Jg. 1. Heft 1 Oktober 1940, 56-63.
Doz.
Dr. P. H. S e r a
p h i m, Die Judenfrage im Generalgouvernement als
Bevolkerungsproblem.
- Das groessere Reich, 119-122
(Wachter).
- Jahrbuch der Weltpolitik 1941, 323, 327, 328.
- Voelkischer Beobachter, nr 303, 29. X. 1940.
Gesprach mit SS-Gruppenfuehrer
Moder. Deutsche Ordnung durchgesetzt.
Mother tongue: German
120.000 (including German officials brought from the
Reich)
[Source: Jahrbuch der Weltpolitik 1943, 147.]
Three categories:
Lowest: Deutschstaemmiger – some
civil rights
Medium: Volksdeutscher – limited
civil rights
Highest: Reichsdeutscher – full
civil rights
Sources:
- W e h, Das Recht des Generalgouvernements, A 200
- A
295.
- Jahrbuch fuer Politik und Auslandskunde 1941,
327.
- Verordnung ueber die Einfuehrung einer Kennkarte
fuer deutsche Volkszugehoerige
im Generalgouvernement vom 26. I 1940. (Verordnungsblatt GG, I,
39).
- Verordnung ueber die Einfuehrung eines Ausweises
fuer Deutschstaemmige
im Generalgouvernement vom 29. X. 1941. (Verordnungsblatt GG, 1941,
622).
- Nation und Staat, XVI Jg. April/Mai 1943, Heft
7/8,
214-217, J u e r
g e n A r n d t. Der Begriff der Deutschstaemmigkeit.
Mother tongue: Ukrainian
in Distrikt Galizien
Privileged although
formally Staatenlose
– stateless
Sources:
- W e h, Das Recht des Generalgouvernements, II.
Band.
Teil: Der Distrikt
Galizien und seine Bevoelkerung.
- Verordnung ueber den Baudienst im
Generalgouvernement vom 1. XII. 1940
(Verordnungsblatt GG, 1940. I, 359).
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The special law for Poles and
Jews
issued on December 4th, 1941
(Reichsgesetzblatt 1, 1941, p. 759)
- a few sections -
The Cabinet Council for the Defence of the Reich
decrees with legal
force:
1. PRACTICAL PENAL LAW.
I.
1. Poles and Jews in the incorporated Eastern areas
must behave in
accordance with the German laws and the regulations made fo~ them by
the
German authorities. They must abstain from anything that might harm the
Sovereignty of the German Reich or the Authority of the German
nation.
2. They will be condemned to death if they perform an
act of violence
against a German for his adherence to German nationality.
3. They will be condemned to death-in less serious
cases to penal
servitude--for revealing by odious or inflammatory acts a spirit
hostile
to Germany, especially by making hostile statements, tearing down or
defacing
public notices of German authorities or offices, or by detracting from
or injuring the Authority or Weal of the German Reich or the German
People
by their behaviour.
III.
1. Punishments meted out to Poles and Jews are
imprisonment, fines
or confiscation of property. Imprisonment is punitive camp for a period
from three months to ten years. In serious cases it is an intensified
punitive
camp for a period of between two and fifteen years.
2. The death penalty will be exacted where it is
indicated by law.
Also in cases where not specifically provided the death penalty will be
enforced, where the deed reveals an especially low mentality or is
especially
serious for other reasons; in such cases the death penalty is also
permissible
against juvenile criminals.
3. The shortest period of punishment provided in
German criminal
law, or the prescribed punishment, may never be reduced, provided that
the crime is not enacted against the nationality of the criminal.
4. In cases where a fine cannot be extracted, then
imprisonment of
from one week to one year will be imposed.
VI.
1. Every sentence is immediately to be executed; the
public prosecutor
can, however, appeal to the Court of Appeal against the sentence of the
magistrate. The period of appeal covers two weeks.
2. The right of complaint is also reserved solely for
the public
prosecutor ; the Court of Appeal decides on the complaint.
VII.
Poles and Jews cannot object to a German Judge on
grounds of bias.
•
IX.
Poles and Jews are not put on oath as witnesses;
following untrue
or false evidence before the court the regulations concerning perjury
are,
of course, applicable.
XI.
Poles and Jews can take neither civil action nor
coaction.
XII.
The Court and Public Prosecution outline the
proceedings on the basis
of the German Criminal Law according to their own discretion. They may
diverge from the regulations of Legal Procedure and the Reich Criminal
Code, if this serves the quick and vigorous execution of the
proceedings.
Berlin, December 4th, 1941.
The President of the Cabinet Council for the Defence
of the Reich:
Goring, Reich Marshal.
Attorney-General for the Reich Administration:
Frick.
Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellory: Dr.
Lammers."
|
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Widoczny znak
sichtbare Zeichen
Katowice 1939
Katowice 1939
Sosnowiec 1940
Katowice 1941
Ząbkowice 1941
Strzemieszyce 1943
KL
WARSCHAU
Bestiality …unknown in any previous
record of
history…
MR. BRENDAN BRACKEN, on July 9, 1942
Issued by
THE POLISH MINISTRY OF INFORMATION
London Stratton House, 1942
Printed by
ST. CLEMENTS PRESS (1940) LTD.,
London, W. C. 2.
CONTENTS
I INTRODUCTION 1
II Documents FROM POLAND 4
(1) AFTER HIMMLER'S VISIT 4
(2) TERROR AS A PROGRAMME 6
(3) COLLECTIVE RESPONSIBILITY 7
(4) PRISONS AND CONCENTRATIO CAMPS 9
PAWIAK - OSWIECIM - BOJANOW, STUTTHOF, DZIESIATA,DZIALDOWO,
RAVENSBRUECK
CAMP FOR WOMEN.
(5) LETTERS FROM PRISON... 19
(6) DESTRUCTION OF THE JEWISH POPULATION 21
(7) PUBLIC EXECUTIONS 22
(8) THE TEN MARTYRS OF PRUSZKOW 26
III GENERAL SIKORSKI'S PROTEST SPEECH 31
IV RESOLUTION OF THE POLISH NATIONAL COUNCIL 36
V PRESS CONFERENCE AT THE MINISTRY OF INFOR MATION . 38
VI JUSTICE WILL BE DONE: OFFICIAL STATEMENTS AND
DECLARATIONS
51
I
On the basis of reports to the Polish Government received by
the Prime
Minister, General Sikorski, from Poland, both of a general and of a
detailed
nature, the Polish Government now has a very clear picture of the
methods
of government, i.e., the German persecutions and barbarities in Poland
during the first six months of this year. It is a picture which freezes
the blood in one's veins. After the brief period prior to the outbreak
of war with Russia, while the Germans attempted to get the Polish
nation
to co-operate with them-towards which attempts Poland maintained her
inflexible
attitude of contempt and hatred for the criminal invaders - the
terrible
oppression has increased again, turning Polish life into one long
execution,
torment, slaughter, blood and tears. But it is also an unbroken
manifestation
of will to resistance, such as is almost without precedent in the
thousands
of years of world history, not excluding the martyrdoms of the early
Christians.
For that matter we know very well that the connection between all this
intensified persecution and the Polish refusal to co-operate with the
Germans
against Russia is only a transient and subsidiary element. The
immutable
essence of it all is different. The Germans, after preparing for years
to invade Poland as the gate- way and simultaneously the age-old
obstacle
to their drive Eastward, and after conquering Poland in their invasion,
decided to strangle, to destroy and exterminate the Polish nation for
ever.
They openly proclaimed this intention. And for three years, amid the
changes
of circumstances and despite various swindling subterfuges and pretexts
on this task of extermination day after day, hour after hour, and in
this
war have won their German knightly spurs as the most barbarous
murderers
in the history of the world.
The latest reports from Poland confirm the sombre news. which has come
in great detail during the last six months, and convey all the
incredible
dimensions of the crimes. It is no longer a case of hounding down only
those putting up opposition or suspected of active resistance. It is a
collective execution of a death sentence on a whole nation. The Germans
continue to murder social, scientific and spiritual leaders, but they
are
also murdering tens and tens of thousands of people in prisons and
concentration
camps, continually filling these places with new victims. after
exterminating
the others. In addition to the torture camps for men, with Oswięcim as
the chief, there are now torture camps for women, such as the one near
Flirstenberg (Mecklenburg) known as Ravensbrueck. Examinations and
investigations
constitute one long chain of the most terrible tortures, and people are
killed off in great droves, as has happened recently with hundreds of
thousands
of Jews, while millions are sentenced to starvation.
There was a time when the human imagination dreamed legends of lands
of abundance, serenity and happiness, but to-day reality has made of
Poland
in all the world's eyes a land of misery, torment, and death.
Only yesterday I was struck by the sombre news from France. Hitherto
the Germans there have taken hostages, and victims have been selected
from
these for execution, in the event of any attempt being made on a
German.
But yesterday it was, reported that arising out of anti-German
activities
near Boulogne fifty hostages have been taken to be sent to Poland, and
a further fifty are threatened with arrest and exile to the same
place.
So the Germans themselves seek to terrify the nations of Europe with
Poland, as though with one great concentration camp, and above its
gates
Dante's inscription
above the gates of hell: .
"Abandon hope all ye who enter in."
But for us Poland is our country, our sole country in the
world, our
beloved land, our great Motherland, and it is the Poland to which
Słowacki
cried:
"For we have created of Thy name
A prayer that weeps and lightnings that flame."
And so it is: not only the prayers that are weeping today, but the
lightnings which will strike to-morrow.
The Germans are raging. They are satiating their age-old lust for
domination,
they are swimming in the blood of the defenceless and luxuriating in
the
torments of their victims. Their delirium adds to their fury when they
see that the victory which they thought certain and which seemed close
at hand is continually fleeing farther from them, is now definitely
unachievable.
They wade aberrantly through crime.
And they do not see that from the place where to-day the prayer of
suffering is weeping, from tormented Poland, from tortured Europe, from
the world infuriated to its depths, will fall the lightning of
punishment
tomorrow.
In connection with the solemn assurances by President Roosevelt, Mr.
Churchill and Mr. Eden that the German crimes in the lands affected by
the German invasions will be punished, and in connection with the
preparatory
labours of the Governments of the eight European States affected by the
German invasions, in order to assure the meting out of just punishment
after the war, a legislative project has been laid before the Polish
Government
for the punishment of wartime crimes committed in Poland since August
31st,
1939, by German troops, officials, and citizens.
Not one German will escape punishment in the court in which he will
hear the words:
"You have killed, you have tortured, you have stolen, you have
instigated,
you have sat privileged in other people's property, while Polish
children
went hungry."
Not one German will escape his full responsibility.
(From a speech broadcast on July 1st, 1942, by Prof. Stronski, Polish
Minister of Information.)
II
DOCUMENTS FROM POLAND
The information on acts of savagery committed by the Germans
in Poland,
which we give hereafter, brings the story down to the latest possible
date.
For much of it relates to the situation at the beginning of June, about
two months ago. And it confirms that the terror which the Germans
unleashed
in Poland three years ago, and which has, raged there ever since, is
still
continuing in all its violence and inhumanity.
All the documents following originate from the General Gouvernement
area of German-occupied Poland and are taken from reports received by
the
Polish Government in London direct from Poland.
We let the documents speak for themselves.
(1) AFTER HIMMLER'S VISIT
Ever since the spring the whole of the General Gouvernement has been
in the grip of a terror far exceeding anything previously achieved
during
the German occupation. In the general view this is linked up with
Himmler's
visit to the General Gouvernement last spring, during which he is said
to have confronted the General Gouvernement administration with a
number
of urgent tasks, the chief being:
1. The liquidation of the Polish secret organizations.
2. The liquidation of the ghettoes. .
3. The crushing of illegal trade.
4. The supply of a million workers to Germany_
All the activities of the occupant authorities since that time have
been directed towards the realisation of these postulates, and
frequently
steps are taken which cover more than one.
After Himmler's visit there was a revival of the mass
mall-hunts and
round-ups in the streets of the larger towns. Following are a number of
the more extreme instances of these activities:
In Warsaw the entire staff and all the customers in the cafe Dana at
Bracka Street, No. 18, were arrested. This arrest was preceded by the
following
characteristic circumstance. For some months previously the cafe had
had
a regular visitor, who was very free with his drinks, spent large sums,
entered into conversation with other visitors and passed on all kinds
of
secret information. Thus he came to be well known and well liked by the
staff, and also by the other visitors to the cafe. On the day of the
arrests
two police cars drove up to the door and at the head of the detachment
was this same regular visitor, with a revolver in his hand. One of the
waitresses., who recognized him, called out to him in Polish, to which
he replied: “Schweigen Sie, ich verstehe nicht polnisch.”) (Shut up, I
don't understand Polish.) In the confusion one of the Poles present
saved
himself by running through the kitchen to the back stairs, and up into
the loft.
Another round-up occurred in Kerceli Square, in Warsaw, in April. Along
one of the streets leading into the square came a large detachment of
troops,
singing, as though marching to exercise. Suddenly it halted and
immediately
ran to take up points of vantage, surrounding the square and market
halls.
Through a megaphone it was announced that no one was to stir from where
he stood. Then followed a detailed search of all those caught in the
cordon,
which went on till late in the evening. Under the pretext of arresting
persons alleged to have hidden in the houses around the square, a
number
of permanent residents of these houses were also arrested. Altogether
it
is estimated that between two and three thousand people were arrested
that
day. All goods and money were confiscated.
Apart from these round-ups and street arrests, arrests are also made
of named persons, these usually being reserve officers and young
people.
It is estimated that between twelve and fifteen thousand people
altogether
have been arrested in Warsaw during a few days, and another five
thousand
in Cracow.
To illustrate the atmosphere in which Warsaw lives, we cite the
following
facts:
In the middle of April, a certain woman was informed that she was to
go immediately to Wlochy, near Warsaw, to receive the remains of her
son.
He had left his home only a few hours previously. When she arrived at
Wlochy
she found her son with several bullets in the back of his head, lying
with
other bodies on the floor of' a room. From the neighbours she learned
that
this room was the meeting-place of twelve young people who probably
belonged
to some secret organization. One of them came out on to the balcony,
and
a minute or two later there was the sound of shots from a Gestapo
detachment
which attacked the house. The person on the balcony, generally
considered
to have been an agent-provocateur, hid behind the door of the balcony
and
escaped.
Another example is of the unexpected arrest of two women. Having sat
rather late with their neighbours they wanted to go back to their home
in the next house, after the curfew hour. At that moment a police car
drove
up, they were forced into it, and together with others who were
arrested
before and after them, were carried to the neighbourhood of the Gdansk
railway station. This was in January last, and on the track was a train
full of wounded German soldiers, who had died of the cold during the
journey.
The arrested persons had to spend the whole night carting the bodies
out
of the train. The women had to remove the uniforms and bandages, the
men
dug trenches, and buried the bodies.
(2) TERROR AS A PROGRAMME
Not only have recent months seen a further development of the German
terror, but they have witnessed a far more open proclamation of terror
as a programme by representatives of the German occupant authorities.
and
the ostentatious, public application of terrorism.
Greiser's statement that anyone in the Polish Western provinces who
dares to resist the Germans or even to be refractory will quickly
become
"a child of death" has been followed by other German speeches and
public
statements of the same kind, especially in connection with the
introduction
of the new criminal code for Poles, which itself laid down the
principles
of the ruthless application of terror. In particular the Poznan
newspaper
Ostdeutscher Beobachter regularly writes of the necessity to apply the
most ruthless and harshest methods against Poles, when justifying the
monstrous
sentences of the special tribunals.
In the General Gouvernement a good example of this new development
was the public announcement by the Warsaw governor Fischer that 100
Polish
political prisoners had been executed on March 2nd, and that further
acts
of terror of this kind would follow. This announcement was preceded by
a talk between Fischer and several Polish public figures. In the course
of this conversation Fischer forecast that all attempts at Polish
political
activity would be drowned in torrents of blood. But it is significant
that
the mass murders of March 2nd were organized by Fischer on the pretext
of police suppression of banditry in Warsaw and Anin, which has nothing
whatever to do with Polish political activities.
(3) COLLECTIVE RESPONSIBILITY
The Germans are more and more openly proclaiming that they intend to
apply the principle of collective responsibility to the Poles, and more
and more Poles are being executed in application of this principle, the
executions frequently taking place in public.
One Eugen Petrull, writing in the Ostdeutscher Beobachter on February
4th on the new criminal code for Poles, said, inter alia:
"The persecution of Germanism has burdened the Poles with a terrible
and inexpungeable guilt, which is directly borne by the Polish nation
as
a whole."
The linking up of this principle of the responsibility of "the Polish
nation as a whole" with the alleged persecution of Germans is obviously
a hypocritical attempt to provide a moral justification for the
increasing
application of the principle of collective responsibility.
Among the facts and cases based on this principle which have come to
knowledge so far are the following mass murders: in KALISZ county, 60
people;
in SULMIERZYCE, Wielun county, 10 persons; in ZGIERZ, 100 persons; in
LOMZA,
24 persons.
German judges have applied the same principle in their mass sentences
of Poles to death or to punitive camps for taking part in alleged
anti-German
acts of violence. Three hundred persons were also executed at
SZCZEPANOW,
in Poznania.
The principle of collective responsibility has also been applied in
the General Gouvernement, in fulfilment of Fischer's declaration. The
following
cases are known: 16 persons executed in STRUZA, Radomsk county; a large
number in CRACOW county; 100 persons from the Warsaw prison executed at
TREBLINKA on March 2nd, as announced by Fischer; 214 persons in
LUBARTOW
county; a couple of hundred young peasants in ZWOLEN, Radom county; 18
persons in BOCHNIA; 210 persons at JANOWIEC, Kozienice county.
The principle of collective responsibility is also applied in economic
and social measures, for instance, the imposition of punishment on an
entire
village because one of the villagers fails to provide the assigned
quota;
the punishment of groups of workers or employees for crimes alleged
against
one member of the group, and so on.
But the most frequent excuse for the application of the principle and
for the organization of public executions is alleged attacks on
Germans,
committed by persons who as a rule go undiscovered, and more rarely for
charges of participation in Polish freedom activities.
(4) PRISONS AND CONCENTRATION CAMPS
PAWIAK
In Warsaw the victims of German arrests are taken mainly to the Pawiak
prison, where they are examined. This examination, and all their stay
in
Pawiak, is accompanied by tortures which in a number of cases cause
death
immediately or after a few days. For instance, recently, on May 25th, a
woman named Gillewicz was arrested together with her husband, a lawyer.
She was alleged to have been giving Polish children secret lessons. Her
husband died on the fourth day after arrest, while she committed
suicide
by hanging herself in her cell at Pawiak, in consequence of her
sufferings.
From Pawiak the prisoners are transported either to work in Germany
or to the concentration camp at Oswięcim.
The existence of 23 concentration camps where Poles are confined, is
known to us. These are their names:
Belzec, Buchenwalde, Ciechanow, Dachau, Dobrzyn, Dyle, Dzialdowo,
Dziesiąta,
Flossenburg, Gross - Rosen, Grudziadz, Hamburg, Hohenbrueck, Labiau,
Mauthausen,
Nasielsk, Oranienburg, Oswięcim, Plonsk, Ravensbrueck, Sierpc,
Stutthof,
Treblinka. (See map on pages 28 and 29.)
OSWIECIM
Further batches of prisoners are continually being sent to Oswięcim
concentration camp from all the prisons in Poland. In the second half
of
March a couple of hundred persons were sent from Warsaw to the camp;
among
them were several Polish warders of the Warsaw prison. In April several
hundred more prisoners, women as well as men, were sent from Warsaw.
News
is continually being received of deaths in Oswięcim of prisoners who
are
unable to stand up to the rigours of the camp.
Large parties of Oswięcim prisoners go to work every day on the
building
of a synthetic petrol works which is being erected in the vicinity. The
mortality among prisoners is indicated by the following details. Of a
party
of 40 prisoners transferred to the camp from Milanowek in July, 1940,
three
have returned home, two are still in the camp, and 35 have died. Of a
group
of 12 workers in the former Warsaw Committee for Social Self-help,
taken
to Oswięcim in July, 1941, only one remains; the others have all died
in
Oswięcim.
One of the favourite tortures in Oswięcim is to seize the victim by
the arms and legs and swing him against a post until his back is
broken.
But the "scientific" method of killing off prisoners is by injections
which
work slowly on the internal organs, especially on the heart. It is
universally
believed that the prisoners are used for large-scale experiments in
testing
out new drugs which the Germans are preparing for unknown ends. A case
was. known of a certain young and healthy man who was arrested and
taken
to a camp near Tarnow. After some months his wife was informed that her
husband was dying and that she could visit him before his death. She
was
able to arrive two hours before his last moment, and the dying man
managed
to tell her that all the prisoners have a band of some material sewn
into
their clothing around the neck, which they are not allowed to remove.
After
wearing the band around the neck for some days the part becomes red and
inflamed; this soon passes off, but throat trouble develops and quickly
progresses (the informant called it "throat consumption"), causing
speedy
death.
Among the other experiments being tried on the prisoners is the use
of poison gas. It is generally known that during the night of September
5th and 6th last year about a thousand people were driven down to the
underground
shelter in Oswięcim among them seven hundred Bolshevik prisoners of war
and three hundred Poles. As the shelter was too small to hold this
large
number, the living bodies were simply forced in, regardless of broken
bones.
When the shelter was full gas was injected into it, and all the
prisoners
died during the night. All night the rest of the camp was kept awake by
the groans and
howls coming from the shelter. Next day other prisoners had to carry
out the bodies, a task which took all day.
Recently the situation in Oswięcim has worsened, in consequence of
the formation of a women's section. The women are put on those few
lighter
jobs (scrubbing potatoes, cleaning, etc.) which previously were
performed
by a number of the men, who thus escaped heavier labour. Now the men
are
used exclusively for heavy physical labour, and are divided into
categories
according to their strength. It is estimated that the Oswięcim camp can
accommodate fifteen thousand prisoners, but as they die on a mass scale
there is always room for new arrivals.
In addition to the main camp, built near Oswięcim, there is an
additional
camp near by, in which the brutalities are so terrible that people die
there quicker than they would have done in the main camp. The prisoners
call this supplementary camp "Paradisal" (presumably because from it
there
is only one road, that leading to Paradise). The crematorium here is
five
times as large as the one in the main camp. The prisoners of both camps
are finished off in three main ways: by excessive labour, by torture,
and
by medical means. The prisoners of the "Paradisal" camp especially have
very heavy work to perform, chiefly in building a factory for
artificial
rubber production near by. The tortures, which are in accordance with
the
well-known German methods have, the effect of driving a number of
prisoners
every day to despair. Some of them fling themselves against the wire
surrounding
the camp. The wire is guarded by guards with machine-guns, and the
prisoners
are shot down.
BOJANOW, STUTTHOF, DZIESIATA
Recently 40 Polish priests were transferred from the camp at Dachau
to the camp at Bojanow, where they are being employed in a works
turning
out aeroplane parts. A large number of nuns formerly held in the
Bojanow
camp for nuns have been transported to forced labour in Germany.
The concentration camp for Poles which was set up at STUTTHOF, near
Danzig, in September, 1939, is steadily losing its prisoners as they
die
off.
A new type of concentration camp for Poles has been started recently
near Dziesiąta, a suburb of Lublin. Originally it was intended for
Bolshevik
prisoners of war, some 1,200 of them being taken there at the end of
last
year. Now, after numerous shootings and as the result of the terrible
conditions
in the camp, only a couple of hundred are left. For some months past a
camp for Polish prisoners has been in being close to the barracks for
Soviet
prisoners. The Poles have been transferred from the prison in Lublin
Castle,
which is gradually being emptied, and is destined in future to
accommodate
only Polish political prisoners. At Dziesiąta 100 Polish prisoners are
employed on heavy punitive labour. The barracks are built of thin
boards
which do not properly meet, and in the wintertime the cold inside was
intense.
Altogether 250 barracks are to be erected at Dziesiąta.
DZIALDOWO
(An escaped prisoner's report.)
I spent five days in Dzialdowo, a camp set up in former
military barracks,
though other prisoners had spent as much as several weeks in this camp,
which is used as a transitional point. Even during the reception, for
which,
as in Dachau, prisoners waited for many hours, we were made familiar
with
the entire system of torture which is applied to prisoners. We were
ordered
to stand first with our backs to the buildings, then the other way
round.
An S.S. man walked continually up and down in front of the prisoners,
amusing
himself with taking aim at the windows (as though at prisoners alleged
to be or in fact looking out of the windows) and fired more than once
at
the windows. The camp commandant, a real brute in features and
behaviour,
also walked about with a whip in his hand and held conversations with
the
S.S. man on the following lines: "Why didn't you kill him? You must aim
straight," etc. Presumably this was for the benefit of the prisoners.
Women
also stood with the other prisoners; it was forbidden to move, and
there
was no food or drink. The courtyard is a large one, provided with a
tower
with a machine gun set up inside and guards with rifles at the ready.
As
we stood awaiting the reception, we saw S.S. men driving prisoners out
of a building and chasing them at a run across the yard, shouting:
"Faster,
faster!" and using their whips. After a moment we realised that the
prisoners
were being driven out to the closets, this procedure taking place three
times daily. Not, strictly speaking, to closets, but to a hole beside
the
closets, in a state which is unmentionable. During this procedure no
one
was allowed to stop even for a moment, so the prisoners could not
perform
the function of evacuation normally, but dirtied their clothes, boots,
etc. Women were also driven out, in a separate party; in Dzialdowo the
women en route for concentration camps are kept in separate
halls.
We also witnessed other things: while we were waiting another party
from another part of Poland was received; a young man without a hat was
taken aside and punished mercilessly. Later, from our cell windows we
saw
three Poles executed; on the word of command they were shot and then
finished
off with revolvers. During our reception, which took place only at
dusk,
each of us was driven along a corridor in order to be registered, to
hand
over our things, etc., and many of us were beaten in the course of this
procedure. My knowledge of German and close observation of the steps
which
had successively to be taken enabled me, by taking the head of the
queue
during the reception of my group, to save myself and my comrades from
getting
more than the normal amount of maltreatment. After the reception we
were
given small numbers. which we had to sew on our clothes. It was night
when
we were driven off to the rooms for sleep. I found myself in a smaller
room, for 20 people, and had a couple of my comrades with me ; it
transpired
that there were also people from Ostrolęka there. The cell was littered
with dirt and old straw, it was dark, and only by the light from the
window
did I discern forms rising from the floor, an older face with a beard,
and heard the question: "What news is there? Has America come in yet?"
It transpired that in this cell there were a mayor, the assistant head
of a county, an architect, a doctor, and so on.
It must be mentioned that during the reception of prisoners at
Dzialdowo
all valuables and money are taken away; Polish money is thrown into a
case,
on the ground that it is valueless: a large sum was collected in the
case.
Rings were torn from our fingers. I left there a gold watch and a
silver
pencil, and everything was lost; at Dachau the prisoners are told that
everything left at Dzialdowo will be returned to them; this is a
deliberate
lie. for at Dzialdowo everything was stolen.
After the maltreatment, the worst torment at Dzialdowo was the complete
absence of water (apparently the pipes had burst). There were prisoners
in Dzialdowo who had been in the camp for several weeks without a drop
of water. So there could be no thought of washing. The coffee in the
morning
(half a billycan for two) was also used for cleaning our teeth. With
the
coffee we had black bread. At noon there was soup, sometimes with a
bone
or a scrap of meat. The billycans were never washed or even rinsed out.
In the evening there was coffee or soup again. Meals were always
immediately
after the turnout for the closets (several thousand people being
involved).
During this turnout a machine-gun was trained on us, while S.S. men
with
revolvers and sticks accompanied us. The prisoners fetched their own
food
in tubs. Three times each day (at the time of the turnout for
lavatories)
we were allowed to bring our buckets out of the cells. The buckets were
always too small, always full to overflowing. It was strictly forbidden
to look out of the window. When the camp authorities entered a cell all
the prisoners had to sit down at once in their sleeping places and
remain
seated; only the senior was allowed to stand. and he reported the
number
of prisoners to the authorities. Often the Gestapo men came into the
cells
for the purposes of blackmail: they would come in and alarm the
prisoners
with the news that everything in the nature of small articles that the
prisoners had been left was to be taken away from them, and thus they
forced
the prisoners to give up any small things they had managed to retain.
There
were no examinations in Dzialdowo. Departures for other camps were
organized
every five days, batches of 1,200 prisoners being made up and marched
to
the station, the guards carrying rifles with bayonets fixed and turned
towards the prisoners. It was announced that for one man attempting to
escape 200 would be shot, but if anyone escaped from the trucks three
would
be shot. No one ever escaped, but several died in the train.
RAVENSBRUECK CAMP FOR WOMEN
This camp consists of sixteen blocks, so arranged along the
street that
each pair of blocks, one on either side, forms a small, closed-in yard.
Each block holds from 190 to 200 prisoners, sometimes even more, and
has
a washroom, with twenty basins arranged along two sides, and from six
to
ten footbaths along the middle. The beds are, as a rule, arranged in
three
tiers, but when the blocks are crowded straw-filled palliasses are
spread
on the floor. The pillows are also filled with straw. Baths are taken
once
a week, under warm showers, often three persons under one shower, but
it
is possible to wash. There is a medical attendant, but in point of fact
no real medical treatment. is provided ; even those most seriously ill
must stand for hours in the queue to see the doctor, who makes a very
cursory
examination and prescribes no treatment at all ; people are regarded as
ill only when they drop. Small cupboards are provided in which the
prisoners
keep their personal articles; one cupboard to two prisoners. The camp
clothing
consists of grey-blue flannel skirts and overalls; slippers are
provided,
for use only in the blocks. In summertime and late into the autumn the
prisoners have to go barefoot, through streets sprinkled with coarse
gravel.
In consequence many prisoners get sore and festering heels, but they
have
to go on walking barefoot.
On their arrival at the camp the prisoners are lined up before the
administration building, where they wait for several hours. They are
photographed
in three positions, and are usually taken one by one to a room where
details
of age, date of birth, etc., are taken. They then go on to a second
room
where they have to strip and hand over all their things except their
shoes
and small personal articles. Then they have to wait, naked, until there
are sufficient to go to the bath-house; after the bath they again wait,
naked, to have their heads and all hairy parts of the body examined.
Not
always because insects have been found, but often out of sheer
brutality
certain of the women are forced to have their hair cut and are then
sent
to special quarantine. Then clothing and linen are issued, and all are
marched off to the ordinary quarantine building. It must be mentioned
that
during all the journey to the camp no food whatever is provided. Those
who happen to have any food of their own are allowed to eat it, the
others
go hungry.
The personal attitude of the guards and wardresses is always arrogant,
bullying and threatening. After the bath the prisoners are addressed by
a wardress, who tells them that they are Aus der Polakei (come from
Poland)
and they will be treated as they treated the German soldiers, they know
that besides the camp there are other forms of punishment,
imprisonment,
for instance. The wardresses are completely void of all human feelings.
There have been cases reported of Gestapo men having pity on women
trying
to shift an excessive load, but no cases have ever been known of
wardresses
doing so, so far as the reporter's observation went. The prisoners are
abused as Polnische Schweine (Polish swine) at every step, and the
wardresses,
who are all German, are continually shouting, bullying, and swearing.
Certain
of the prisoners are chosen as "seniors" of the halls and blocks, and
these
are held responsible for seeing that the regulations are observed and,
as the women chosen are usually of the very lowest type, they soon
learn
to imitate the German wardresses in their conduct towards the others.
At
night the prisoners have to fold up their clothing, and put it in a
pile,
with their number upward.
The prisoners are up at five or six a.m., according to the time of
year; by seven or eight a.m. all must be washed and dressed, and the
entire
block cleaned and tidied. Everything is done in a hurry, the prisoners
are driven, with shouts and insults. The daily diet is as follows:
breakfast,
coffee (substitute) without sugar, twenty dekagrammes (about
three-quarters
of an ounce) of bread per day; dinner, vegetable soup, with a minimum
quantity
of meat or fat in it; supper, also soup. Potatoes in their skins are
also
a frequent diet. In summer time raw vegetables are given for supper.
Jam
has been given only very rarely and in very small quantities. Although
the regulations allow it, prisoners are not allowed to subscribe to
newspapers.
From time to time the "seniors" managed to get hold of a newspaper
somewhere,
but they would only share it with those whom they greatly trusted, for
fear of the consequences. Although the prisoners can be sent ten marks
monthly from outside, they can spend only one mark, and that on tooth
powder
or similar items. There is no possibility of buying food.
Summary punishment, consisting of whacks and punches on the face, was
not met with in the block in which the informant was confined. The
principle
of collective responsibility was applied: punishment consisted of
standing
for an hour or more in the yard, irrespective of the weather, and not
necessarily
only once; or deprivation of dinner, or supper, for so many days,
together
with standing for one to two hours, during the entire meal time;
deprivation
of dinner for several Sundays in succession; confinement in a dark
cell,
without bedclothes, usually for 42 days. At a later period the dark
cell
punishment was added to by beating with metal rods twice a week (even
old
women of seventy were given this punishment). The punishment consisted
of twenty-five strokes with steel rods; sometimes the prisoner has the
choice of 25 strokes or 42 days in the dark cell. The prisoner must be
conscious during all the time of punishment by birching; a wardress
holds
the prisoner's pulse, and if she loses consciousness she is brought
round
before the punishment is continued. One case is known in which a
teacher
from Silesia, suffering from consumption, had a haemorrhage during the
punishment. Another punishment consists of transference to the
"punishment
barracks," where degenerates are detained. If a Polish woman talks to
a.
Jewess she is punished with 42 days in the dark cell; another woman
received
the same punishment for using the ends of threads from her needlework
to
bind the soles of her slippers. When the camp drainage system became
stopped
up, the prisoners were punished by collective deprivation of dinner.
Prisoners
are always being punished. There is a roll-call twice daily, which
sometimes
means that prisoners have to stand for hours. If anyone is missing, all
the prisoners in the block have to wait until she is found, and the
roll-call
of that block is made again when the others have had theirs. Prisoners
are punished for attempting to justify themselves if they have violated
the regulations, for coming out to the roll-call in their slippers
instead
of barefoot, for tying cardboard under their bare feet in winter-time,
and so on.
The first month of imprisonment in the camp is spent in quarantine,
and during this period the prisoners are not allowed to do anything
except
keep their block tidy and bring the cauldrons of food. There are no
books
in the camp. The prisoners' sole reading is of the scraps of newsprint•
in the closets, and they made playing cards from odd scraps of unused
paper.
At the end of the month's quarantine they are transferred to another
block, and are then set to work. The work is allocated by the prisoners
moving in single file past the camp authorities, who then assign them
their
respective tasks. For the kitchen, which is hard work starting at four
a.m. and carried out in continual haste, accompanied by shouts and
abuse,
teachers are chiefly chosen. The kitchen workers have to carry the
sacks
of food from the lorries. Bu t they are not allowed to lift the sacks
down;
the sacks are flung down into the women's arms. and they have to catch
them. This causes great pain in the arms, especially from the elbow
downward.
The other prisoners work in the camp, and last autumn and winter they
were
engaged on building houses for German officials, carrying bricks, sand,
lime, and stones. This was some distance from the camp. As only an hour
was allowed for dinner the prisoners had to do everything almost at the
double, wash, eat their soup and hurry back to work. Those who were not
engaged on these building activities worked in the camp, knitting
gloves,
sweaters, etc. Certain prisoners were deliberately left idle, as it had
been noticed that they sought to find relief and distraction in
work.
The camp contains Polish women from Silesia, Poznania, Polish Pomerania
and Suwalki; there were also Warsaw women, it was said, but these were
kept so isolated that it was impossible to see or communicate with
them.
In addition to Polish women there are German, and also Dutch women, who
were very sympathetic to the Poles. The Dutch had certain privileges,
they
could receive parcels and buy food. The prisoners were aged from
sixteen
to seventy. They were drawn from very varying walks of life; restaurant
owners, shopkeepers, waitresses, office workers, teachers, factory
workers,
peasants. They all wear a coloured triangle on their shoulder and a
number.
The triangle is coloured according to the nature of their " crime": red
is used for political prisoners.
(5) LETTERS FROM PRISON
I
x
Prison.
November 15th, 1941.
Dear Parents.
I am coming to the end of my torture, for sentence of death was passed
on me the day before yesterday. To-morrow more than a dozen of us are
to
die. I believe this letter will reach you, and I would like you to know
that my last prison was at ... , and the place of my execution will be
... near. . . . I do not know what death awaits me, but to-day I openly
admit that it will be as nothing compared with the tortures that have
been
inflicted on me for the past six months and nineteen days. Forgive me
all
the trouble you have had on my account, and I know you will forgive me,
for it is all for the future Poland. I ask you, dear parents, after the
war to divide the six acres of land which are my property as follows:
let
dad sell two acres and pay the money to (here follows the name of a
Polish
organization), Marysia is to have three acres, and Franek one acre. But
he is to take a handful of earth from . . . from a spot where there are
no graves, and scatter it over that acre. Thus I shall feel that my
dust
is resting in my beloved native earth. It is not hard for me to die,
for
I have endured everything, and they got nothing out of me which could
hurt
any others. I am only sorry that I have not been allowed to see a
priest
before my death. I take farewell of you in this world, but you must
live
with faith in Poland and God. Say goodbye to Franek for me and tell him
that as I take my farewell of him I believe that at the right moment he
will avenge my sufferings and death, first. and foremost on those who
betrayed
me, and that without doubt he will guess who is the traitor. Know that
I die with the words on my lips: "Long live Poland."
Your son.
II
... I am kept in isolation. I'm feeling pretty rotten.
I'm dying of hunger. And death from starvation is the worst of all.
I would not want to be shot or die of hunger . . . . Down to to-day I
have
been examined three times: January 20th, January 30th and February
20th.
Depositions were taken during the tortures. The first time they
stripped
me to my shirt and beat me on the head with blunt instruments. I had
contusions
on the left side of my head. I was beaten all over my body with a
rubber
truncheon and a hammer. I lost consciousness again and again. There
were
nine torturers. I was beaten by them in turn for several hours, while
they
put forward all kinds of evidence .... The next time, January 30th, I
was
stripped naked and while I was beaten they repeated the questions of
the
first examination .... This time they beat me with rubber truncheons
and
a whip ending in small iron weights. . . .
(6) DESTRUCTION OF THE JEWISH POPULATION
The first manifestation of the new repressive measures against the
Jews took the form of mass shootings in Nowy Sącz, Mielec, Tarnow and
Warsaw.
A little later the ghetto at Lublin was wiped out. The German press
reported
that the ghetto had been transferred from Lublin to the village of
Majdan
Tatarski, but in fact almost the entire population was
exterminated.
For instance, it is generally known that a certain number of Jews from
the Lublin ghetto were shut up in goods trucks, which were taken out
beyond
the town and left on a siding for two weeks, until all inside had
perished
of starvation. The majority of the Jews of Lublin were carried off over
a period of several days to the locality of Sobibor, near Wlodawa,
where
they were all murdered with gas, machine-guns and even by being
bayoneted.
.It is an authenticated fact that Lithuanian detachments of szaulis,
who
have recently been brought into Poland, were used for these mass
executions.
The fetor of the decomposing bodies in Sobibor is said to be so great
that
the people of the district, and even cattle, avoid the place. One Pole
working in Sobibor wrote a letter pleading to be granted a transfer
elsewhere,
as he could not remain in such conditions.
Apart from the fortuitous slaughter of Jews in the Warsaw ghetto and
the firing at every Jew who left the ghetto (it is confirmed that a
twelve-year-old
lad and an old beggar, both Jews, found outside the ghetto, were shot)
the mass of the Jews is still alive in the ghetto. It is known that
Jews
have been transported from the Reich to the Warsaw ghetto, and these
generally
arrived with baggage and other personal property. But the Warsaw
Gestapo
quickly robbed them of everything. It is also said that 12,000 Jews
were
transported from the Reich, only to be massacred when they reached
Poland.
In the Warsaw ghetto only a few comparatively affluent persons are
still not badly off, and these carry on extensive trading activities on
the occupant authorities' account. The supplies of several kinds of raw
materials, etc., come into the ghetto in this way. But the mass of the
Jews live in incredibly miserable conditions, the mortality is
enormous,
and it is an everyday phenomenon for dead bodies to be lying in the
streets.
The Germans have a particularly bestial method of choosing victims
for execution, or rather, they force the heads of the Jewish community
to provide lists of those to be executed. Then two Ruthenian and two
Jewish
police commanded by a German gendarme go to the houses where the
condemned
are living. If any of these attempt to escape they are found by the
Jewish
police. The victims, without their boots and outer clothing, which are
left for those remaining behind, are then packed horizontally in a
lorry,
often in two layers one on top of the other; are covered with a
tarpaulin,
the Jewish police salute on completion of their part of the task, the
Ruthenian
police seat themselves on the nearest bodies, and the lorry passes
slowly
through the town, driven by a driver in German uniform, with the German
gendarme sitting beside him. A little later a fresh layer of earth
somewhere
in the neighbourhood of Lwow covers a new party of people struck out of
the lists of the living.
In the provincial towns of South-Eastern Poland Ruthenian organizations
organize hunts after the Jews who are still hiding in numbers in the
villages.
The Ruthenian auxiliary police (Hilfspolizei) afterwards take the
prisoners
to the place of execution.
(7) PUBLIC EXECUTIONS
Of recent months the Germans have resorted more and more to the method
of carrying out executions in public.
A number of terrible cases of this nature have recently been reported,
chief among which is the mass public murder carried out at ZGIERZ on
March
20th. The circumstances of this execution are as follows:
On March 7th two Gestapo agents were shot by a Pole whom they were
arresting. The Pole escaped. In revenge, on March 20th the German
police
organized a great round-up in Zgierz and the neighbouring villages,
driving
crowds of Poles to the square in Piątkowska Street in a suburb of the
town
to watch the execution. The square was then surrounded by party and
police
forces. Out of the people who had been driven into the square 100 Poles
were selected at random ; then one of the local German police officials
made the following speech to the condemned and to the silent crowds of
Poles:
”You will have a free spectacle. In 1939 for the murder of one German
we shot 10 Poles ; to-day for the death of every German 50 Poles die,
and
any further incident of this kind will entail the death of 100 Poles
for
one German. The sentences will not be carried out haphazardly, but will
aim at exterminating the Polish intellectual class, which is your
leading
class."
Then the assembled crowd was called upon to hand over the man who had
shot the Gestapo agents within two minutes. As the period passed
without
result, preparations were made to carry out the executions. Lorries
filled
with 100 political prisoners from the prison at Lodz drove up ; and the
prisoners, who were tied in groups of 15, were thrown out so violently
that they fell one on top of another, wounding and maiming one another.
At the same time the 100 people chosen from the crowd were
released.
The execution then took place in front of the crowd, which numbered
some 7,000 people. Fifteen of the condemned were ordered to kneel down,
and were shot. After a salvo had been fired by the firing party, which
numbered 30 men, those still alive were finished off with revolvers.
Then
the bodies were covered with straw and the next 15 dragged up and
ranged
before them. The crowd and the condemned people were silent throughout
the executions, except that one woman as she faced the firing party
cried
out: "Poland was, is, and will be!" Ninety-six men and four women were
shot, among them being two priests, several lawyers, several doctors,
journalists,
and other prominent Poles.
After the execution the police and party forces turned on the assembled
crowd and dispersed it with sticks and rifle-butts.
At CIERLICK GORNY in Cieszyn county, Emil Trepa, a Pole aged
32 years,
accused of escaping from a concentration camp and spreading foreign
wireless
news, was executed publicly before his own home. Polish miners from
Karwina
and Sucha were brought under police escort to watch the execution, and
the local inhabitants were also driven out to watch. The Germans
compelled
Polish students, colleagues of the condemned man, to set up the
gallows.
When the prisoner, Trepa, dressed only in his shirt and trousers, was
brought
from the prison, he was tortured for two hours in public, among the
crowd
being his paralysed mother, placed specially in front of the house, and
his father, brought from prison. Trepa behaved with dignity and
restraint,
and as he stood below the .gallows shouted:
" Long live Poland! "
At RUDA SlASKA (Polish Silesia) a gallows was prepared for Joachim
Achtelik, of Ruda, while Kokot, of Bielszowice and Sergeant Nowak, of
Godula,
who were to be hanged in their own localities, were compelled to stand
and watch their fellow Pole's death. Thousands of Poles and Germans
were
brought to watch the execution.
Achtelik was a very interesting case. His father regarded himself as
a Pole, but his mother brought up the young Achtelik as a German. The
lad
had artistic gifts, and funds for his education and training as a
painter
were raised by the Polish community. As he grew up he came to love
Poland
fervently and regarded himself as a Pole, and has now laid down his
life
for Poland. He died as he had lived. As he rode to the place of
execution
he carried his head high, but bowed low to the assembled Polish crowd,
many of whom were sobbing. While the sentence was being read in German
he took no notice, but called out to the crowd, asking questions about
his mother. When the sentence was read in Polish he stood to attention.
Before the noose was adjusted around his neck he asked God, in the
words
of Christ on the cross, for strength for himself, and forgiveness for
his
executioners. At this point all the crowd knelt down. Then the Germans
gave orders for them to stand, enforcing their order with the rattle of
carbines from the Hitler Youth. Achtelik died in fifteen minutes.
The inhabitants of Ruda lit candles in their houses during the
execution
and said prayers for the dead. Although Achtelik asked for a priest, he
was not allowed to see one. Nor were public prayers allowed for his
soul,
and although at first the body was to have been handed to his mother,
the
Germans were so afraid of demonstrations that they removed it for
secret
disposal.
The other two men also died heroically. Kokot was hanged publicly in
BIELSZOWICE, saying not a word, and Sergeant Nowak in Godula. Nowak was
allowed to say good-bye to his wife and children. His last words
were:
"I was present at the death of my colleague, who asked forgiveness
for his executioners. I cannot ask that. I ask God that my blood may
raise
up avengers. You, you Hitlerite bandits, remember that you wilt not
escape
vengeance, even in the tenth generation. Goodbye, wife, good-bye,
children.
Glory to Christ the King!
Long live Poland! " .
On March 18th, not far from the camp for political prisoners situated
in the suburb of Dziesiata at Lublin, the Gestapo and the Lithuanian
camp
guard shot 140 prisoners. The other prisoners in the camp were driven
out
to watch the executions, and afterwards were compelled to bury the
bodies.
At JANOWIEC, Kozienice County, in revenge for the murder of two
Volksdeutsehe
by bandits, a special punitive expedition of German police shot 210
people.
At ZWOLEN, near Radom, a riot broke out as the result of German
pillaging
and stealing; in revenge the Gestapo and German police shot a couple of
hundred young peasants, before the eyes of their families and other
inhabitants.
At LOMZA recently, 24 Polish civil servants were shot because a
telegraph
line was broken during the transmission of German official telegrams.
The
executions were carried out without any preliminary
investigation.
At BOCHNIA, 18 persons accused of anti-German activities were recently
shot at the local cemetery.
It has only recently been possible to ascertain the place where the
100 Poles of WARSAW were executed and buried in a common grave on March
2nd on the order of Fischer, governor of Warsaw. The condemned were
taken
in lorries to TREBLINKA, near Sokolow, and there executed, while
prisoners
in Treblinka were compelled to bury the bodies.
(8) THE TEN MARTYRS OF PRUSZKOW
On September 17th, 1941, from six o'clock in the morning, detachments
of S.S. began to drive out the Polish inhabitants of Pruszkow (near
Łask)
village into the neighbouring forest. As no one knew what it all meant,
there was considerable alarm. Children were also driven out, crying
bitterly.
The people were told that in a few hours they would be returning home,
but the worst was expected. In a glade the people were drawn up in a
half-circle,
and the youngsters under eighteen and old people over sixty were
allowed
to go. To increase the feeling of solemnity the Germans forbade those
who
remained to light cigarettes or' to put their hands in their pockets.
Behind
the half-circle of Polish people were detachments of S.A., and, at
intervals,
fully armed police. Meantime, almost all the local German colonists had
also gathered. Cars drove up with the local military commander, police
commander, officials of the local council, and German middle class
people
from the county town of Łask. In front of the Poles the Germans built a
kind of fence and covered it with straw. When this task was completed a
lorry drove into the glade; it was covered with tarpaulin; out of it
climbed
an escort, who brutally dragged five condemned men. The Landrat (county
head) stepped into the middle of the glade, and began to read out the
sentence
in German, while an interpreter translated it into Polish. The manner
of
reading the sentence was very unpleasant, and its contents loathsome
and
merciless:
"Listen, Poles! On August 28th a German farm was burnt down at Dobroń,
several ricks were set on fire in the country of Sieradz, a German
estate
near Lodz was burned. During the last few days ricks have been burnt in
Marzenin. For all these crimes committed by a Polish band ten people of
Marzenin will be executed by shooting. The Polish criminals are burning
and destroying grain prepared for the German army, which is moving
forward
in a victorious campaign. By destroying this grain you want to strike
it
a blow in the back, but remember that that army will turn its anger
against
you and will punish you without mercy. The Polish bandits, the bands of
brigands and incepdiaries will be crushed. Remember, Poles, that if you
violate the German laws, if you do not submit to us in everything, the
punishing German hand will fall on every one of you."
When the Landrat had finished reading, the condemned were bound with
ropes at the wrists and turned with their backs to the public. Not one
of the condemned was recognised as among those who had been arrested at
Marzenin for burning down the ricks. They were all strangers, young,
and
completely unknown in those parts. They went to the place of execution
like automata. They looked like men who had been tortured and
tormented,
one of them could hardly walk at all, and staggered along. When the
youngest
realised what was about to happen to him he began to cry out:
"People, rescue me, what am I dying for? I am innocent ! "
The crowd remained passive, completely petrified.
The firing squad fired a salvo and the five men fell.
Then four more were dragged out of the lorry. They were elderly men,
inclined to corpulence, looking well and without a trace of having been
beaten up. Not one of these men either was recognised by any of the
watchers.
They were ordered to kneel down on the bodies of the previous five. One
of them screamed piercingly in German: "Brothers, you are shedding your
own blood. Brothers, I am perishing at your hands!"
The salvo rang out and put an end to their lives.
Then several Poles were summoned to remove the bodies. These men saw
that several of the dead men had been badly and bestially maltreated
again
and again, and one body was putrefying and the flesh falling away. A
tenth
man was lying in the lorry, already half dead; he was finished off with
rifle butts, and the other bodies flung in on top of him. It was stated
that there were two Germans among the ten men, and that the man who had
appealed to brotherhood was named Krause. Polish women began to swoon
during
the execution, and the members of the S.A. shouted:
"Polish bandits, Polish savages, hell, this is good for you! Now you
will learn that you can't destroy German grain."
Only one remark came from the crowd; it was made by an old woman:
"May God take you to himself, as martyrs."
After the executions the Germans marched away singing their cheerful
soldiers' songs.
III
GENERAŁ SIKORSKI'S PROTEST SPEECH
The wave of terror in Poland has assumed such vast dimensions
in the
spring of this year, after Himmler’s visit, that the Polish Government
has again decided to call the attention of the Allied Nations to these
crimes unheard of in history. On Saturday, June 6th, the Polish Gabinet
debated the form of this protest, and it has been decided that General
Sikorski shall give a protest speech on the radio to Poland. This
protest
has been made known to the world in a diplomatic note which the Polish
Government has addressed to all Allied and Neutral Governments.
General Sikorski said:
Mass-shootings and torture of tens of thousands in concentration camps;
confiscation of property and all means of production; expulsion from
businesses;
the deportation of over a million and a-half people; the systematic
starvation
of the Polish nation, and the banning of any assistance to the sick and
feeble; the methodic and continuous destruction of Polish culture; the
ruthless extermination of everything Polish in lands inhabited by Poles
for a thousand years - all these continue without respite.
.
For some time we did not bring this appalling state of affairs to the
notice of the world, but confined ourselves to noting only the facts
and
their perpetrators, so that the hour of victory should also be the hour
of stern retribution. However, when-under the influence of insane fear
- the wave of terror assumed such vast dimensions in Poland in the
spring
of this year, that is to say, after Himmler's visit to our country, the
Polish Government again decided to call the attention of the Allied
Nations
to these crimes, unheard of in history.
This new wave of terror began in March of this year by mass arrests
in Warsaw, Cracow, Lublin and other Polish towns, and by the
deportation
of the prisoners thus seized, including a large number of women, to
concentration
camps ill-famed for their cruelty.
The professors of the University of Lwow, who were imprisoned after
the Germans entered the city, have been deported to an unknown
destination,
and there is no trace of their whereabouts.
The same happened in Wilno, where the Archbishop Monseigneur
Jalbrzykowski,
a great patriot, beloved by his flock, was also arrested, and with him
the Canons of the Cathedral and the professors and students of the
local
seminary.
In the prisons of Poznan a number of prominent local citizens were
tortured to death. Additional victims who have been sentenced to death
await execution.
To smash the resisiance of the railwaymen in the Upper Silesian
junctions,
galIows have been erected in eighteen Silesian towns. Members of the
educated
classes, railwaymen and workers, are being hanged there, and
simultaneously
all the school children of Upper Silesia are herded there to watch this
cruel spectacle.
New concentration camps have been set up in which peasants are herded
for their refusal to supply the occupying authorities with their quotas
of agricultural produce.
The German authorities, in deathly fear of a Polish rising, sent 1,200
officers of the reserve to concentration camps in the April of this
year.
Several scores of Polish war prisoners were charged and tried,
and
as a rule sentenced to death or lifelong imprisonment.
In February of this year special lecturers arrived in Poland from
Germany,
and in confidential German meetings they reviewed the general war
situation,
and explained the necessity for a policy of increased terrorism in the
following words :
"The war is nearing its end, and the final decision will soon be
reached.
"The Germans who came to the occupied countries must defend themselves
on the spot, and must actively co-operate with the occupying armies, as
the menace of the enemy is everywhere present. These Germans must rely
on their own strength in the first resort, they must be the guardians
of
the German armies' rear. They must keep constant watch on their own
houses
and those of their neighbours. The front turns its eyes to them and
requires
sacrifices from them. The year 1918 cannot be repeated, and they are to
see to this. The present war is not a war for territories or frontiers,
but a struggle for the very existence of Germany."
In accordance with this viewpoint, which betrays so significant a state
of mind, military organisations have been formed to which all civilian
Germans belong. They were given arms, they obtained the right to have
their
own court of law, and they were promised complete immunity for any acts
of brute force which they might commit against the defenceless
population.
Once more, Germany is seizing hostages in mass from amongst well-known
social and political workers, and every class of the nation. A month
ago,
in Warsaw, a hundred of them were shot as a reprisal for the shooting
of
one German, and in the Lublin district 400 were executed for the
killing
of one German henchman.
The Jewish population in Poland is doomed to die out in accordance
with the slogan, "All the Jews should have their throats cut, no matter
what the outcome of the war may be." Real massacres of tens of.
thousands
of Jews in Lublin, Wilno, Lwow, Stanislawow, Rzeszow and Miechow have
been
carried out this year. People are being starved to death in the
ghettoes.
Mass executions are held; even those suffering from typhus are
shot.
Finally, the German Reich, which is threatened by the gravest shortage
of man-power, has committed the greatest possible outrage. In Western
Poland,
which was incorporated in the Reich against international law, the
German
authorities are forcibly enrolling Poles in their army. The number of
Poles
thus enrolled already amounts to 70,000 in Pomerania and to 100,000 in
Silesia. In the so-called General Gouvernement the Poles are forced to
serve in the auxiliary formations of the German army. Both these
measures
are not only a clear violation of the Hague Convention of 1907, and
contrary
to elementary international usage, they are simply criminal. The
citizens
of an occupied country are being compelled by brute force to spill
their
blood in the cause of the hated invader. They are being forced to fight
against their brothers. The determined resistance to, and the mass
desertions
from, this pressgang conscription, unheard of in the 20th century, have
already led to numerous death sentences in the Home Country.
The Polish Government is bringing all these facts to the cognisance
of the Allied Governments, and to the public opinion of the world. The
German terror is also raging in other countries of Europe to-day. The
perpetrators
of these crimes must be brought to account, and this principle ought to
become the guiding policy of the Allies. Only the announcement of
retribution
and the application of reprisals, wherever possible, can stop the
rising
tide of madness of the German assassins, and save hundreds of thousands
of innocent victims from certain death.
While I am paying my deepest homage to the memory of the murdered and
tortured victims, I wish to assure my country on behalf of the Polish
Government
that the latter is fully aware of all these crimes, and will not omit
any
one of them from the final reckoning.
Be certain of victory – endure - do not allow yourselves to be
deflected
by outbursts of despair - do not let yourselves be influenced by false
suggestions. Maintain your discipline and determination as heretofore,
those qualities which have evoked admiration and respect for the Polish
nation throughout the world.
Germany has always worshipped brute force, and has stained her
path
with rivers of blood. The Germans will certainly not overturn the Nazi
regime of their own free will, as this regime is ideally suited to
their
national character and given full play to their innate characteristics.
Therefore, the year 1918 will not be repeated in this war. But Germany,
who, as Goering has said, has been raised high by the genius of her
Fuehrer,
will fall into a bottomless abyss when the power of the German army and
of the Nazi party have been broken. Germany cannot escape her defeat.
This
is clearly shown by the events of all war fronts, and by the gigantic
raids
of the Allied Air Force, which bring the German nation only a foretaste
of the just and well-merited retribution she will undergo.
IV
RESOLUTION OF THE POLISH NATIONAL COUNCIL
On July 7th, 1942, at a special session dealing with the
latest reports
of German atrocities in Poland the Polish National Council unanimously
adopted the following resolution:-
The Polish National Council, after hearing the report by the Polish
Minister for Home Affairs on the recent intensification of the crimes
committed
by the German occupants in Poland:
1. Charges their Executive Committee to add to the proclamation of
the National Council on June 10th to the Parliaments of all free
nations
the newly-revealed facts of the systematic destruction of the vital
strength
of the Polish Nation and the planned slaughter of practically the whole
Jewish population;
2. Supports the Government in all the steps it may take to strengthen
more than at present the interest of the Allied Governments and Nations
in the sufferings, without any exception, of the entire population of
the
Polish Republic, and in assuring the necessary punishment for these
crimes;
3. Appeals to the Government that, in co-operation with the Governments
of States fighting in the common cause, particularly Great Britain and
the U.S.A., it should find all possibilities and means of paralising
now,
by adequate retaliation while the war is still on, the terror being
carried
out by the Germans;
4. Expresses to the Polish people the deepest homage for their
steadfast
stand, in spite of the terrible persecutions, in the fight with the
invader,
and for their solidarity through mutual help, which surpasses all
differences
of religion and nationality, in holding out in the present immeasurable
misfortune;
5. Assures the people at home that the Polish Government, together
with the High Command of the Polish Armies and the National Council, is
striving for the most effective co-operation with the leaders of the
war
operations of the Allied States in their task and efforts for the
speedy
liberation of Poland from the German army of occupation;
6. Sends to the people at home words of faith in the undoubted victory
of the Allied States who, in freeing Poland, will bring plentiful
compensation
to the whole population for all the sufferings they are bearing at
present.
V
PRESS CONFERENCE AT THE MINISTRY OF INFORMATION
On July 9th a press conference was held in the British
Ministry of Information)
under the chairmanship of Mr. Brendan Bracken, the British Minister of
Information, assisted by Mr. J. Brebner, the Director of the News
Division.
Mr. Mikolajczyk, the Polish Minister for Home Affairs, Prof. Stronski,
the Polish Minister of Information, and Father Kaczynski, Mr. Kulerski,
Dr. I. Schwarzbart and Mr. S. Zygielbojm, members of the Polish
National
Council, also took part. Below we give an extensive summary of the
statements
and reports presented to this conference.
COMMON MURDERERS
A DECLARATION BY MR. BRENDAN BRACKEN,
MINISTER OF INFORMATION
We are about to hear a tale as ghastly as any ever known to history.
700,000
Jews alone have been murdered in Poland. The treatment of every other
religion,
including the Catholic religion, has been marked by a bestiality
unknown
in any previous record of history. The Germans have excelled themselves
as the most brutal nation which has ever defaced the annals of the
human
race. WHAT GIVES ME SOME SMALL SATISFACTION IS THAT I, AS A MEMBER OF
THE
GOVERNMENT, CAN REASSURE OUR POLISH FRIENDS HERE THAT THE PEOPLE
RESPONSIBLE
FOR THESE MURDERS AND OUTRAGES IN POLAND WILL BE BROUGHT TO JUSTICE.
They
will be treated as common murderers, which they are, and those
gangsters
will be punished with the utmost rigidity of the law, the utmost
strictness
of the law, and that is a matter of very great importance. I can assure
you that the Government of Great Britain and all the Governments of the
United Nations are in complete agreement on this question, that every
care
should be taken to secure the names of the persons responsible for
these
crimes; that they should be brought speedily to justice at the
conclusion
of the war, and that their punishment will fit their crimes; and,
believe
me, in view of the crimes committed by the Germans, the punishment will
be in many cases the most severe known to any law, and I hope that that
fact will be rubbed steadily into the minds of the beasts responsible
for
the terrible happenings in Poland.
THE GERMAN TERROR IN POLAND
STATEMENT BY THE POLISH MINISTER FOR HOME AFFAIRS,
MR. S. MIKOLAJCZYK
You have before you a short resume of the statement which I made in the
Polish National Council as the Minister who is responsible for
informing
the Polish Government on the situation in Poland.
You will certainly be struck by the number of Polish citizens who have
been shot or murdered in other ways, which amounts to over 400,000. It
is almost certain that this figure is in reality still higher, but I
restrict
myself to those cases which are proved beyond all doubt. One year ago
the
figure was 80,000; later on 100,000 and 140,000: and in the last few
months
it has risen to 400,000 murdered Poles and Jews. There were two reasons
for this appalling increase. First, the tremendous increase in the
terror
applied to the Poles, and secondly, the beginning of wholesale
extermination
of the Jews.
The tide of German terror usually rises either as a prelude to a
military
offensive or in cases of growing resistance which threaten to lead to
an
outbreak of violence.
In Poland both reasons played their part, but there was also a third.
Polish territory separates Germany from the fighting zone of the
eastern
front, and therefore the Germans are particularly concerned with
keeping
the Poles in submission.
Yet the primary reason for the methods applied by the Germans in Poland
is that they are aiming at the extermination of the whole of the Polish
population, so as to make it possible to include the entire territory
as
bare land free of any traces of Polish life and culture into their
Lebensraum.
This explains the outstanding ferocity of the German terror in Poland,
which, coupled with an unusually destructive economic, social and
political
system, they believe to be the best means of wiping out all traces of
Poland.
The Germans have been strengthened in their resolve by the hopeless
failure
of their attempts to win over the Poles in 1939, and by the refusal of
the Poles to join the anti-Soviet crusade in 1941, both of which proved
beyond any doubt that there is no possibility of either breaking or
demoralising
my country.
It may seem to be impossible to exterminate a nation of 35 millions,
but the figure of over 2 1/2 million people who have disappeared from
Poland
since 1939, including 400,000 killed, tells a ghastly story. That does
not take into account the losses inflicted upon our nation by the
disastrous
decrease in the birthrate, and the increase in mortality through
epidemics
and systematic starva•tion, all of which are the blessings of Hitler's
"New Order."
THAT IS WHY MY COUNTRY APPEALS IN THE MOST URGENT TERMS TO OUR
GOVERNMENT
AND TO ALL ALLIED GOVERNMENTS, FIRST, FOR THE OPENING OF A SECOND FRONT
IN ORDER TO BRING ABOUT A QUICKER DEFEAT OF GERMANY, AND SECONDLY TO
BEGIN
WITHOUT DELAY RETALIATION AGAINST THE GERMAN NATION, A NATION WHICH
ONLY
UNDERSTANDS THE LANGUAGE OF IMMEDIATE RETRIBUTION FOR CRIME.
During the last three months the Gestapo have intensified the terror
very severely. Their efforts are directed towards the tracking down and
extermination of all signs of Polish patriotic and freedom activities.
Throughout the country, and particularly in Poznan and Warsaw, there is
a ceaseless wave of political arrests, and hardly anybody arrested is
being
released; most of those arrested are kept permanently in penal
confinement
under the Gestapo, in ordinary prisons and in concentration camps; many
of them, particularly in Western Poland and Pomerania, are executed by
the Gestapo shortly after their arrest.
During these months there has been a great increase in the application
by the Gestapo of third degree methods during the cross-examination of
persons arrested. The beating and torture of prisoners is so intense
that
more and more cases of death of prisoners during cross-examination are
occurring. The Gestapo applies not only terrible beatings, but also the
most ingenious sadistic tortures; the tearing out of nails, hanging by
the feet, beating in the stomach, injuring the most sensitive parts of
the body, and kicking with heavy boots so that pieces of clothing are
driven
into the flesh. Most of the victims return from the torture chamber to
prison in a state of terrible physical exhaustion; this hastens the
death
of many in prisons and concentration camps.
The Gestapo men in Warsaw and Poznan are specially distinguished by
their cruelties.
The torture of persons under examination always aims at the extraction
of personal information or concerning secret organizations, so that
afterwards
the Gestapo terror may the more easily seize up on fresh cases of
patriotic
activities and fresh people.
The state of things in this sphere is so severe and threatening that
all possible means should be taken to bring about an even partial
relief
and mitigation of the situation.
News has been received of increased terror in Upper Silesia. There
are gallows in eighteen Silesian towns. Those arrested are hanged. In
Dombrowa,
Szurley, Bendzin and Sosnowiec they are hanged publicly on gallows and
trees, the public, even schoolchildren, being driven to look at these
crimes.
In the concentration camp at Oswiecim itself the number of prisoners
held has risen in the course of three months by 8,000.
The mass arrests concern especially Polish officers of the reserve,
Polish peasants who do not deliver the quota of agricultural produce
demanded
by the Germans, and Polish railwaymen and workers accused of sabotage
in
their work.
A public execution of 100 Poles - of whom four were women - was carried
out at Zgierz, a town near Lodz, on March 20th, in the presence of
7,000
people, for the killing of two Germans by a Pole on March 7th. The
bodies
were beaten with revolvers while still alive. This took place after the
public announcement that 10 Poles had been shot for the killing of one
German - and now the rate is 50 for one.
On March 18th in the concentration camp at Dziesiąta, near Lublin
(where
there were formerly 1,150 Soviet prisoners, of whom 950 were shot), 140
Polish political prisoners out of 800 imprisoned there were shot. Among
them were a number of peasants imprisoned for delivering an
insufficient
agricultural quota.
At Zwolen, near Radom, 380 persons were shot before the eyes of their
families, and at Waclawow nearby 160 for the alleged killing of one
German.
In Janowiec, near Kozienice, 210 were shot for two Germans
killed.
400 Poles were shot near Lublin, and 540 near Radom - in each case
for one German killed. In Bochnia 18 people deported from Cracow were
shot,
in Lancut 30; near Hrubieszow 20 peasants were shot for sheltering
Russian
war prisoners. At Rudka Kijanska, near Lubartow, 211: persons were
murdered
in one village by being shot of having hand grenades thrown into their
homes. In Poznan there is an average of 200 executions at the citadel
monthly.
Sulmierzyce, Kalisz, Lask, Szczepanow and Radomsko are other places
where
mass murders have occurred. Everywhere throughout the length and
breadth
of Poland there are scenes of executions, murder and terror.
Still worse is the situation of the Jews. The Warsaw ghetto is already
notorious. Hunger, death and sickness are exterminating the Jewish
population
systematically and continually. In the Lublin district on the night of
March 23rd to 24th, the Jewish population were driven out of their
homes.
The sick and the infirm were killed on the spot. One hundred and eight
children of from 2 to 9 years old in a Jewish orphanage were taken
outside
the town, together with their nurses, and murdered. Altogether that
night
2,500 people were massacred, and the remaining 26,000 Jews of Lublin
were
removed to the concentration camps at Belzec and Trawniki. Eight
thousand
people were deported from Izbica Kujawska for an unknown destination.
In
Belzec and Trawniki murders are also carried out by means of poison
gas.
There have been mass murders at Rawa Ruska and Bilgoraj, where the
Jewish
communities have ceased to exist. At Wawolnica, near Kazimierz, on
March
22nd, the S.S. shot 120 Jews in the market-place. An unknown number of
Jews was led out of the town and slaughtered. On March 30th, Jews were
driven from Opole to Naleczow, 350 being killed on the way. The rest
were
put into goods trucks, which were then sealed, and deported to an
unknown
destination. At Mielec about 1,300 Jews were slaughtered on March 9th.
In Mir 2,000 Jews were slaughtered, in Nowogrodek 2,500, in Wolozyn
1,800,
and in Kojdanow 4,000. Thirty thousand Jews from Hamburg were deported
to Minsk, and there all were murdered. The Jews slaughtered in Lwow
amount
to 30,000, in Wilno 50,000, in Stanislawow 15,000, in Tarnopol 5,000,
in
Zloczow 2,000, and in Brzezany 4,000. Reports have been received of the
murder of Jews at Tarnow, Radom, Zborow, Kolomyja, Sambor, Stryj,
Drohobycz,
Zbaraz, Brody, PrzemysI, Kolo, and Domb.
The compulsion to dig one's own grave, mowing down with machine-guns
and hand grenades, and even poisoning with gas are everyday methods of
annihilating the Jewish population. In Lwow the Jewish Council itself
had
to provide a list of victims.
The number of Poles executed, murdered and tortured to death during
nearly three years of German occupation already amounts to 200,000
persons.
The number of massacred Jews exceeds 200,000.
Therefore we consider that from the beginning of war to date
about:
150,000 Poles were killed in the September, 1939, campaign; 200,000
are prisoners of war in Germany, 1,500,000 Poles deported to forced
labour
to Germany, 170,000 Poles have be en compulsorily recruited for the
German
Army from the incorporated territory; 400,000 Polish citizens (Poles
and
Jews) have been killed.
This picture takes on yet more sombre hues when we recall the number
of people, amounting to about 1,500,000, removed from Western
Poland-the
territory incorporated into the Reich - into the General-Gouvernement,
and the losses which we are bearing as a result of the fall in the
birth
rate, the increase in the death rate and the spreading of infectious
diseases.
The Germans, in relation to Poland, have applied and are applying the
policy of clearing Lebensraum for themselves by the systematic
extermination
of the whole population living in those territories and the
annihilation
of all traces of Polish life and culture.
The people in Poland think that the reaction to the unexampled torture
inflicted upon them is too weak, as much on the part of their own
Government
as on the part of the Pope and the Allies. They demand that an
equivalent
code should be applied to the Germans in the United States ; at least
some
tens of thousands of them should be imprisoned in concentration camps
and
regarded as hostages. The mere threat of a tribunal in the future and
the
inexorable application of reprisals does not help at all.
In connection with the above state of affairs, we have received from
Poland during the last few days the following appeal addressed by the
responsible
leaders of the Polish underground movement to the Polish Prime
Minister,
General Sikorski:
"For over 2 1/2 years the Germans have been carrying out a systematic
plan, prepared for years beforehand, for exterminating the Polish
nation
as a natural barrier to their centuries-old Drang nach Osten.
" The fury of this action has reached such dimensions during the past
few weeks that its further continuance threatens the Polish
intellectual
classes with complete annihilation, and the whole nation with such a
loss
in strength that after the war we may not be able to deal with the
great
tasks which will await us.
"From various parts of Poland alarming news is coming in confirming
that the furor teutonicus, having reached a murderous paroxysm, is
sowing
mass murder and fire among the innocent Polish people.
For example:
"1. For delay in delivering the agricultural quota, which very often
exceeds all possibility of fulfilment, there are tortures,
dispossession,
labour camps, concentration camps. which as a rule mean death
sentences,
and recently, as was proved in the Lublin districts, even destruction
or
burning down of the whole farm together with the farmer's family, who
are
locked up for the purpose in the farm buildings. those trying to save
themselves
by running away being shot on the spot.
"2. For an attack on a German, for giving shelter or help to escaping
Russian prisoners or partisans, for the damaging of communications by
saboteurs,
hundreds of innocent Polish people living in the neighbourhood perish
immediately.
"3. On the discovery of a secret publication or any kind of appearance
of partaking in freedom activities there are tortures and death
sentences,
or long terms in concentration camps, the equivalent of death
sentences,
with prolonged tortures.
"4. On discovery of trading in articles of daily use: labour camp,
concentration camp or death sentence.
"5. For any kind of patriotic gesture or of criticism towards the
occupants:
concentration camp. As basis for the authentication of these crimes,
all
denunciations resulting from personal prejudices are regularly admitted
as evidence.
"The wave of terror and murder includes the whole of Poland, although
only fragments of news of the German barbarism get through to the
civilised
world.
"It has gone so far that there is no Polish family to-day which is
not weeping for some dear one murdered or tortured in a concentration
camp.
"In this state of things, the protection of human life in Poland
assumes
a fundamental meaning for her future.
"There arises therefore urgent and definite necessity for:
" (a) Awakening the consciousness of the whole civilised world against
the German barbarians ;
"(b) Applying the most severe reprisals permitted •by international
law, preceded by a stern diplomatic note to the German Government and a
warning proclamation to the German nation, both the note and the
proclamation
being published in the languages of all civilised nations."
THE PERSECUTION OF THE CHURCH
STATEMENT BY MONSIGNORE KACZYNSKI,
MEMBER OF THE POLISH NATIONAL COUNCIL
. The wounds inflicted on religion in Poland are indescribably
terrible.
Recent communications from the Vatican and from the Swedish Bishop Eric
Muller in Stockholm paint a tragic picture of the Church in Nazi
occupied
Poland.
According to this news, seven Polish dioceses have be en completely
liquidated: Poznan, Gniezno, Wloclawek, Plock, Pelplin, Lodz and
Katowice,
and many other dioceses have been partially liquidated. Seven bishops
were
deported and 90 per cent. of the clergy imprisoned or exiled. Still
worse,
a large number have been executed by the Gestapo. Churches are closed,
and many millions of Catholics are entirely without Mass or the
Sacraments,
in a country where over 70 per cent. of the people are Catholics. The
following
bishops are now in Nazi concentration camps: Archbishop Jablrzykowski
of
Wilno, Bishop Fulman of Lublin, Bishop Jasinski of Lodz, Bishop
Wetmanski
of Plock, Bishop Kozal of Wloclawek, the Bishop Auxiliary of Lublin,
Goral,
and the Bishop Auxiliary of Lodz, Tomczak.
In the Archdioceses of Poznan and Gniezno, before September, 1939,
there were 828 priests. Of these 86 were murdered by the Gestapo,
without
trial or evidence of guilt, 451 were arrested and sent to concentration
camps, while others were deported to the General Gouvernement. There
are
now only 34 priests left in these two dioceses for a Polish population
of about 2,000,000.
In Poznan, which had a population of over 200,000, there were 30
churches
and 47 chapels. To-day in Poznan there are only two churches open for
the
Poles.
In Lodz, with a population of 700,000, only four churches are now
open.
Since the beginning of the war 2,700 priests have been arrested.
At this moment some 1,200 priests are in concentration camps.
The above is sufficient to show the difficult situation of the Churches
in Poland to-day, and there is no hope of immediate improvement.
THE ORGANIZED SLAUGHTER OF JEWS
STATEMENT BY DR. 1. SCHWARZBART,
POLISH NATIONAL COUNCIL
The most horrible news about cold-blooded slaughter is reaching us
constantly.
But news which recently reached London from reliable sources surpass
the
most horrible examples in the history of barbarism. It is difficult to
grasp that a human being could fall so low as has the contemporary
German,
educated by Hitlerism.
It is difficult to believe these facts-and yet they are true. I wish
to give you some details of this catastrophe, out of this ocean of
suffering
which has befallen a nation with thousands of years of history.
Wilno: Out of a Jewish population of 65,000, about 15,000 remain alive.
They are artisans-left alive because Hitler still needs them. All
others,
about 50,000, were gradually slaughtered by the Germans and Lithuanians
in the Ponary mountains.
Pinsk: The Germans slaughtered about 8,000 Jews between the ages of
16 and 60. At first they took about 3,000 Jews from their houses. In
the
villages Halewo and Zapole the Jews were ordered to dig their own
graves
and stand in front of them. Then machine-guns went into action.
On another occasion about 4,000-5,000 Jews were taken from the town.
No trace was ever found of them.
Brzesc: about 6,000 Jews were slaughtered. Janow: about 300 Jews were
slaughtered; Homsk: the whole of the Jewish population were wiped out;
Motol: Jews were slaughtered, including children.
Kobryn: Jews were driven out of their homes and the whole Jewish
district
was set on fire. Wlodzimierz: many thousands of Jews were murdered. A
mass
grave is evidence of their fate. Bialystok: mass executions of Jews,
irrespective
of sex and age. Lomza: about
1,800 Jews were killed. .
Czyzew Szlachecki (near Lomza): about 6,000 Jews were driven together
into anti-tank trenches ; they were murdered and put into a mass grave.
But that does not exhaust the list. | |
